UN troops

Outsourcing Abuse I

By M.K. Styllinski

[NATO soldiers, UN police, and Western aid workers] “operated with near impunity in exploiting the victims of the sex traffickers.”

– Amnesty International


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In 2003, Kenneth Cain joined forces with former UN officials Heidi Postlewaite and Andrew Thomson, to write a book called Emergency Sex and Other Desperate Matters [1] which hit the shops in June of 2004. The book detailed widespread sexual abuse within the UN and its peace missions. It received significant exposure on many a Neo-Conservative website and newspaper and was gleefully pounced on by ardent anti-UN detractors. Mr. Cain, a Harvard law-school graduate and full time writer paints an unrelenting picture of decadence and corruption where drugs, alcohol and sex are the mainstay of some nations’ peace keeping forces. Dr. Thomson, a U.N. physician was equally unflattering about the world organization describing his missions in Haiti and the Dominican Republic as a “frustrating exercise in futility.”

An uncharacteristically vehement Kofi Annan tried to have the publication banned and then heavily censored, threatening the employees with redundancy if they did not reconsider. According to the UN they “violated staff rules” though in truth, the book is merely a distillation of widespread reports which began to gather pace long before the controversial book went to print. In 2001, about a half-dozen investigators from the U.N. Office of Internal Oversight Services in New York and investigators from the Office of the Inspector-General of the U.N. High Commissioner of Refugees finally examined the allegations. Despite the deluge of referrals and submitted cases surrounding the inquiry the book gave substantial weight to the criticism levelled at the organisation for being far too slow in its general investigations. Dileep Nair, U.N. Undersecretary General and Chief of OIOS said: “We can barely cope with the cases that are being referred to us” with over 400 cases were demanding attention. [2]

Bearing in mind that these are only the recorded cases, the findings that the UN consistently ignored claims of abuse and refused to take action, dating back as far as the late eighties parallels the same methods of denial of the Catholic Church and other institutions. Aid workers for Non-Governmental Organisations such as Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors without Borders) and Save the Children UK were also implicated. A full copy of the joint study sponsored by the UNHCR and SC-UK noted the following: “Agency workers from the international and local NGOs as well as U.N. agencies were ranked as among the worst sex exploiters of children, often using the very humanitarian aid and services intended to benefit the refugee population as a tool of exploitation.” The findings further revealed: “In order for a refugee to make a report, they would have to go through the same persons who themselves are perpetrators of sexual exploitation. Most staff appear to connive to hide the actions of other staff.” [3]

Note the ponerisation of not only UN staff but affiliated NGO agencies. This made it easy for UN officials to keep it  quiet, narrow down the scope of investigations and cover-up the abuse. Interestingly enough, the investigator himself, Dileep Nair was investigated after the UN Staff Council, the equivalent of a union, alerted Secretary-General Kofi Annan about alleged “violations of appointments and promotions rules in OIOS, as well as allegations of corrupt practices in the Office and “other misconduct” by Mr. Nair.”[4] However, no “credible” evidence of wrongdoing was found. Whether a smear campaign was enacted against Nair in order to deflect further investigations by discrediting his probe or that the allegations had some grain of truth was never established.

No place to HideNo Place to Hide (2013)

“They took us to a small house. Then they tore the clothes from our bodies and raped us. I was just 17 and still a virgin!” Joari and her friend were raped by men thought to be their saviours: UN peacekeepers. Since 1999, the United Nations has maintained a peace keeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It aims to bring stability to the region and protect the civilian population from attacks and sexual violence of the warring parties. But many of the 20,000 peacekeepers become perpetrators, exploiting the extreme distress and poverty of women and girls.In addition to showing victims of UN soldiers’ sexual attacks for the first time, the film also proves that the issue of sexual violence by peacekeepers has long been known at UN headquarters in New York. For years, the UN has been trying to combat the abuse by increasing staff training and introducing a zero-tolerance policy. Officials claim that the number of incidents has been drastically reduced. At local level however, UN insiders tell us, these measures have no effect at all.”

Over four million people have been killed by war and preventable diseases in the Democratic Republic of Congo during the past eight years, or as one UN humanitarian chief mentioned: “…the equivalent of six Rwandan genocides”, where the ‘Military and civilian authorities are still virtually unaccountable for crimes against civilians…’” [5] The institutionalised abuse by UN personnel is a large part of that desperate picture. Didier Bourguet, a U.N. senior logistics officer was charged with running an internet paedophile ring in the region, where he established a sophisticated porn studio for the procurement of young boys and girls in a multi-media operation. Videos were freely available to buy. According to Human Rights Watch, some of the female victims were as young as eleven years old.

While Bourguet had engaged in similar activity in a previous UN posting in the Central African Republic, he was not alone in his endeavours. Claude Deboosere-Lepidi, Bourguet’s lawyer, said his client admitted he assaulted minors and that his sex crime spree included other U.N. officials. He was insistent in his belief that the UN as a whole was partly to blame for tolerating the continued attacks on Congolese women and young girls. The UN has since confirmed this belief admitting that its peacekeepers regularly raped, abused and prostituted children in their care. A range of sexual abuses from UN troops and aid workers were catalogued including: “Reported rapes of young Congolese girls by blue-helmeted U.N. troops as well as aid workers; a colonel from South Africa accused of molesting his teenage male translators; hundreds of under-age girls having babies fathered by U.N. soldiers who have been able to simply leave their children and their crimes behind. Despite the UN’s official policy of “zero-tolerance” there were 68 allegations of misconduct in the town of Bunia alone. Another case included a 14-year-old girl who had told UN investigators that “she had sex with a UN peacekeeper in exchange for two eggs. Her family was starving.” [6]

A sex trade flourished in Monuc where scores of local women and girls had been made pregnant by Moroccan and Uruguayan peace keeping soldiers as well as two UN officials. One Ukrainian and a Canadian were obliged to leave the country after getting local women pregnant and two Russian pilots based in Mbandaka paid young girls with jars of mayonnaise and jam in order to have sex with them. [7] It appears that a virtual industry has grown up, including the production and selling of pornography and bartering goods for sex.

The lack of screening of UN peace keeping soldiers provided a new opportunity for rebuilding more than just infrastructure and aid. It can hardly be surprising if sexual exploitation infiltrates institutions on the ground, regardless of their humanitarian intentions. It is the proverbial honey-pot for those who have no conscience, or as a Times report so aptly quoted: ‘Never forget this is Heart of Darkness country. People do things here just because they can,” one female UN employee said, in a reference to Joseph Conrad’s novel about the abuses of the former Belgian Congo.” [8]

With UN officials accused and suspended after scores of abuses, one would have thought that it may have dawned on Kofi Annan that these crimes had been occurring for a number of years. Annan was previously head of the UN’s peacekeeping force and acknowledged that “acts of gross misconduct have taken place”. Asked whether he could have, given his experience, done more to prevent abuse in Congo, he said: “You never know when you send that many people out. There may be one or two bad apples.” [9]

Annan is being a little disingenuous to say the least. There is no question that this was a systematic manifestation of variable abuse which the UN consistently hushed up for many years. As such, he is ultimately responsible and should have resigned. Instead, after 150 reported claims of abuse, many of them involving minors, he continued the tradition of secrecy and suppression further damaging what remains of the UN’s standing. A hotline set up to receive complaints about past and future abuse was a case of too little too late.

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Kofi Annan

In March of 2006 another report, this time on the military arm of the UN, concluded: “deeply flawed and recommends withholding salaries of the guilty and requiring nations to pursue legal action against perpetrators.” It also included a host of other recommendations to be fully implemented by 2007. However, as a recent report in May from the Associated Press shows, far from coming down hard on such crimes, the activities actually doubled in 2004. Though this may in part, be due to the heightened awareness of such activities, the vast majority of allegations were still levelled at UN peace keepers. In 2002, the UN was beginning to form its defence against shocking abuse allegations in the Congo. It would finally send an investigation team in 2004 after a seemingly “outraged” Annan decided enough was enough. Whether this was due to media pressure or concerns about his own image, is far from clear.

In any event, within the same year, an exact same pattern of abuse surfaced in Sierra Leone where the UN and NGOs were running programmes to reintegrate former child soldiers from the bloody civil war between the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels and the Civil Defence Force (CDF) a pro-government militia known as the Kamajors. Both committed atrocities that are astonishing for their ferocity. Child protection agencies estimated that the warlords abducted as many as 6,000 children, out of which about 3,500 actually fought in the war. The rest were used for sex and for carrying weapons. Sierra Leone was plagued by the slow deployment of UN troops and the apathetic defence of civilians habitually caught in the cross-fire between the warring sides. One NGO chief executive described the reality: “These atrocities are taking place practically under the noses of government and international troops …Innocent civilians are suffering, and it’s the responsibility of these troops to protect them. They should do their job.”[10]

These atrocities included systematic rape of women and girls, some as young as ten, and the murder of whole families. Infants and children were thrown into burning houses, the hands of toddlers as young as two were severed with machetes and girls as young as eight were sexually assaulted. A newspaper reporter in Sierra Leone told Human Rights Watch: “There was rampant raping. I saw a fifteen-year-old girl raped right before me. They left her, but they captured others, and among them was a seven-year-old girl.” [11]

Amputation of limbs came to be the most prominent horror of the ten year old war but sexual abuse was actually more common. As discussed in Rape: Corporate Camouflage and Across the Gender Divide  the practice of rape as a strategic weapon is no longer rare. By forcing members of families to rape each other and to watch the atrocity, the belief was that this would reduce the likelihood of support for military operations. Even worse was the evidence of sexual atrocities being committed by troops from the regional intervention force, Ecomog, and the UN peacekeeping mission: “Women were used by all sides as chattels, kidnapped from their homes often in rural areas and forced to act as sex slaves for the troops as well as domestic maids responsible for cooking and household chores.” [12]

In 2004 The UN’s UNICEF reported that Sierra Leone, led the world in child mortality with one in four children dying before the age 5, while in Iraq, one in 10 do not make it to their fifth birthday. The UN has within its ranks those that were willing and able to mop up what was left of the shells that were once children. Yet despite the UN “Personnel Conduct Officers” representing system-wide focal points designed to deal with charges of gender-based violence and abuse, the United Nations is facing new allegations of sexual misconduct by U.N. personnel in Burundi, Haiti, and Liberia. This is probably due to the familiar buffering of the fact that such measures alert patterns of abuse but do not address the key issues as to why they arise. Even if this is known, it represents a flow that is hard to stem.

This is exacerbated by the rhetoric of Annan’s earnest bulletin setting out directives for UN personnel yet excluding military troops who are only answerable to their own national military authorities. This amounts to more tinkering at the edges of the cause. With sex workers appearing en masse at the borders needing to feed their families and with thousands of peace keeping soldiers present, the market and so will extensive forms of abuse. Reports of these abuses continued to surface though this was not limited to UN military deployments and operations.

One case in many includes the presence of a weapons inspector who led several sado-masochistic sex rings. “Harvey ‘Jack’ McGeorge, a former US Marine and Secret Service agent, [was] a founding officer of ‘Leather Leadership Conference Inc.’” and recommended by the US State Department.[13] Another report showed UN personnel who were involved in bringing girls from Thailand to East Timor as prostitutes. As abuse allegations have increased, so too the variable unsuitability of those employed by the UN. [14]

NATO forces, UN peace-keepers and the local mafia have all been implicated in sex slavery in Kosovo. UN personnel exploited the victims of sex traffickers for their own ends, adding to the already dire situation in the Balkans since NATO troops and UN administrators took over the province in 1999. The question of why patients at United Nations mental institutions in Kosovo were raped and physically attacked under the eyes of UN staff, also suggests that this was more than an isolated incident but part of a well formed network. [15]

And what of the progress being made to stem this tide? Well, UN soldiers forcing young women and minors to have sex in exchange for material aid still appears to be occurring more than ten years after these initial reports. A UN report interviewed over 200 Haitian women—a third of whom were minors and collated enough data to suggest this was systematic and organised. [16]

While the spectre of sexual abuse is being tackled by UN officials, disturbing questions still remain about the overall functioning of an institution that is seen by many to be dangerously flawed, contributing to chaos rather than the betterment of nations and their peoples. What are we to make of the United Nations that cries out to be a beacon for the world’s poor and oppressed when the reality sees it failing those who are most need of its protection and support? Is this rot from within a mere blip or a peek behind the curtain?

 


Notes


[1] Emergency Sex and Other Desperate Matters – A true Story from Hell on Earth’ By Kenneth Cain, Heidi Postlewait, Andrew Thomson 2004 published by Miramax books/Hyperion ISBN 140135201-4
[2] ‘U.N. Finally Forced to Probe Its Paedophilia Scandal’ NewsMax.com Wires and NewsMax.com, Tuesday, May 7, 2002.
[3] Ibid.
[4] ‘Thorough probe finds no evidence of wrongdoing by UN official’ 16 UN News Centre, November 2004, http://www.un.org/
[5] UN calls rape ‘a cancer’ in DRC, BBC News, 15 September 2006.
[6] Ibid.
[7] ‘UN moves to answer child sex allegations’ Sydney Morning Herald, February 18 2005.
[8] ‘Sex scandal in Congo threatens to engulf UN’s peacekeepers’ The Times, December 23, 2004
[9] ‘Secretary-General ‘absolutely outraged’ by gross misconduct by peacekeeping personnel in Democratic Republic of Congo UN Press Release, 19/11/2004. http://www.un.org/
[10] Peter Takirambudde, Executive Director of the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, quoted from Focus on Human Rights: ‘Civil War in Sierra Leone Rebel Abuses Near Sierra Leone Capital’ United Nations Should Act, Says Rights Group, (New York, March 3, 2000.www.hrw.org/
[11] Human Rights Watch, ‘Getting Away with Murder, Mutilation, and Rape: New Testimony from Sierra Leone’ (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999), p. 50.
[12] ‘UN troops accused of ‘systematic’ rape in Sierra Leone’ by Tim Butcher, The Daily Telegraph, January 17, 2003.
[13] ‘UN weapons inspector is leader of S&M sex ring’, The Washington Post, November 30, 2002.
[14] ‘UN ship ‘carried child prostitutes’ August 21, 2003 http://www.news.com.au.
[15] ‘UN ‘ignored’ abuse at Kosovo mental homes,’ The Guardian, August 8, 2002.
[16] ‘UN peacekeepers sexually abused hundreds of Haitian women & girls – report’. RT, June 10, 2015.

Good Intentions III: A (Dis) United Nations

“We need to use the United Nations Security Council and believe that preserving law and order in today’s complex and turbulent world is one of the few ways to keep international relations from sliding into chaos. The law is still the law, and we must follow it whether we like it or not.”

Vladimir Putin


As a beacon of what could be right with the world, an organisation that could lead by example and foster true and lasting human relationships, the ideology of the UN has proved almost impossible to put into practice. Some do say that the UN was never formed for any other reason than to control and divide; or as a long-term branch of a World government in the not-so-distant future. If the former is the case, the legacy of institutionalised corruption and sexual abuse as well as ineffectual presence during serious conflicts abroad has reduced its credibility to a rock bottom low.

Indeed, the phrase “peace-keeping” like the term “United Nations,” is fast becoming a less than palatable irony. From the rubber-stamping of the US intervention in 1950’s Korea which actually had no genuine Security Council clearance, right up to the same US-led invasion of Iraq, the UN is currently battling a serious indictment of its operations summarized by the grandiose title of “nation building.”

The organisation was founded in 1945 by 51 states, replacing The League of Nations. The building, built on land donated by the Rockefeller family and funded by  John D. Rockefeller, Jr., (which should tell us something right there) it led from an original 51 countries which were largely made up of the victors of World War II to a membership which presently stands at 191.

The UN describes itself as a “global association of governments facilitating cooperation in international law, international security, economic development, and social equity.” The real source of power lies with the Security Council with each of the major powers maintaining the right of veto. Ostensibly, it was set up to avoid future conflicts, encouraging peaceful resolutions to global difficulties via its many affiliations and sub divisions. However, this right of veto has proved to be a recipe for future paralysis and a severe obstacle for the decision making process and thus the protection of humanitarian rights.

The General Assembly of the UN has proved to be a toothless tiger on many occasions. Rather like the G8, it has become an enormous leviathan spotted with good deeds, with genuinely beneficial humanitarian missions, while at the same time, harbouring corruption, nepotism, fraud, miss-management and sexual abuse on a formidable scale. A catalogue of interventions have proved disastrous, including the hopelessly ill-suited “peace keepers” that were let loose in Bosnia, Cambodia, Somali and Rwanda, the latter proving to be the most spectacular failure to save lives in its recorded history. [1]

A large part of this failure, though by no means the whole, stems from the historical influence of the United States. With hardly a whisper regarding their arrival the closely associated multilateral institutions arrived on the scene, listed as the World Bank, The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) which was replaced by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1993. (See The Structural Adjustment Team) These three agencies function under the directives set up by The Bretton Woods meeting of 44 nation representatives that took place in Bretton Woods July 1st – 22nd 1944. This set in motion the framework by which a global economy could flourish, with the pre-eminence of the US secured.

The Bretton Woods agencies are said to be closely affiliated to the UN, seen as an intrinsic part of its incarnation yet they are wholly autonomous and shrouded in secrecy. The IMF and The World Bank have veto powers of their own and an undemocratic share of the vote on decision making that ensures an overall control of the agenda. [2] This agenda is inherently biased towards standard free-trade, free-market and corporate colonisation. Under the auspices of the United Nations these institutions have been brought to fruition by the US, causing untold, long-term damage to developing nations around the world which outweigh any successes which have taken place.

In many ways, the United Nations was the brain-child of America and therefore guided to act in its own interests which has produced a historical battle ever since, at least on the surface. In an uncharacteristically forthright attempt to assert its authority the General Assembly of 1975 carried out Resolution 3379 equating Zionism with racism. The US took great umbrage, marking the beginning of the end of an apparent “working relationship,” though by 1991 the resolution was put out to pasture after relentless hounding by Israeli lobbyists.

The constant vetoing in favour of Israel in the face of clear breaches in human rights were due to a powerful Zionist network in the US administration underpinned by an equally powerful lobby which still dominates the media and culture in America. It is thus easy to see why Israel and the US are inevitably joined at the hip.

unitednationsfragmented© infrakshun

An example of “stalling for time” is illustrated by the US taking extraordinary lengths of time to sign and ratify treaties. The Convention on the Rights of the Child is one such treaty which remains unratified. Somalia, the other country yet to fulfill its responsibilities regarding the convention with the excuse that it had, as yet, no recognizable government. Due to its strained relations with the UN, the US prefers to fall back on a tried and tested bureaucracy as a reason for not ratifying the treaty, where the very act of signing up to the principles contained within the Convention – which one would imagine to be the most clear-cut case available – took over six years. The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide took more than 30 years to be ratified and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, signed by the United States 17 years ago, has, at the time of writing, still not been ratified.

For a nation that considers itself the bastion of democracy and a leader of the free world, it is strange indeed that the government will consider only one human rights treaty at a time. Strange, that is, if one is still clinging to an illusion and not so strange when we remember the US blocking the creation of a new Human Rights Council and its proposal which was advanced on February 23 by the president of the General Assembly, Jan Eliasson of Sweden.

The overwhelming majority of countries, including those of the European Union, Latin American democracies, Canada, India, South Africa, Japan, and most other so-called democracies and allies of the United States, have now said they support the proposal. It only becomes clear why the United States continues to block such a creation and the inevitable dilution of its mandate, when we realize that US secrecy and control might be at stake. One of the postulates states: “A new universal review procedure will scrutinize the records of even the most powerful countries – an important step toward redressing the double standards that the commission was often accused of applying.” [3] Naturally, at this stage, an open government is not something the current US administration is seeking, being counter-productive to its grand expansionist designs abroad and an emerging Police state at home.

With the United States holding the purse-strings of the UN and refusing to pay its dues as a means to control UN policy, it is little wonder that swords have frequently been drawn. The UN charter is clear that members should pay for expenses incurred but the actual collection mechanism of money is absent. It is assumed to be voluntary which sets up a further problem when forcing a member to cough up. It appears to be an effective tactic however, even while the US still owes a considerable financial debt to the International Body which had reached $1.246 billion (41 percent) by September 2005. This was hotly disputed by some policy and economic analysts, though mostly from republican commentators who bridle at any expenditure “for UN missions that contribute little or nothing to our national security” and for whom the failure to receive “proper credit” for their largesse is seen as nothing short of disrespectful. [4]  The Oil-for-Food (OFF) “scandal” is an example of genuine corruption for which the US remorselessly milked in order to force the UN into compliance, a tactic that is a normal part of the US intelligence armoury of Psychological Operations. After a spate of accusations that UN personnel were receiving vouchers from the Iraqi government to purchase oil and where Saddam Hussein was believed to have more than $10 billion in illicit funds, a crusade was mounted, with Congress leading the charge.

The CIA Duelfer Report (originally on the absence of weapons of mass destruction which nonetheless, led to the illegal invasion of Iraq) also said that the majority of these illicit transactions were “government to government agreements” [5] that were secret trade deals taking place outside the OFF program and which resulted in an income for Iraq to the tune of $7.5 billion. [6] If we look a little closer at some of the accusations of smuggling for example, we can see that the body called the UN Multinational Interception Force [7] made up of member nations tasked with the role to interdict Iraqi smuggling was in fact, largely made up of the US Navy. While Congress castigated UN personnel at every available opportunity they ignored illicit contracts on the ground which UN staff consistently reported to the Security Council 661 Committee where the US dominates. Even though “billions of dollars of humanitarian contracts –$5 billion were on hold as of July 2002–it never took action to stop kickbacks, even when they were obvious and well documented.” [8] (The fact that the US Navy was involved at all sets off warning signs from the beginning as we shall discover towards the end of this series).

Though the OFF program did save lives with the average daily calorie intake almost doubling in Iraq from 1996 to 2002, [9] corruption was flourishing. By September 2005 The Volcker Panel conducting the OFF UN inquiry released its final report where it condemned the “illicit, unethical and corrupt” behaviour during the scheme, and blamed the secretary general for mismanagement.[10] Certainly, several companies made a substantial profit from the $65 billion from the program. And it is certain that other UN financial corruption issues are being revealed with over 200 different reports of abuse, mostly in the U.N. supplies and services, both in the department of management and the department of peacekeeping operations which could run into “tens of millions of dollars.”[11] Halliburton, Bechtel and other US corporations with close connections to the Bush administration plundered what it is left of Iraqi resources and reshaped the country according to US “democracy” by effectively steering the UN rudder.  So much so, that it would certainly be in the US interests to foster corruption rather than prevent it.

Since 1991, these tensions have increased in tandem with the US led unilateralism which continues to destabilize the world still further. The UN is now seen as the only way to stop the expansion of US designs and to shore up its inevitable signs of decline. It is here that we see how compromised the UN has become. It has never regained its credibility after presiding over the one of the most appalling war crimes in recent times.

After the 1991 Gulf War, and sanctions in which saw Senior UN diplomats in Iraq resigned in protest, the genocide of children in Iraq continues. Consequently, most Iraqis see the UN as an effective tool of NATO-US foreign policy, and like it or not, that is exactly what it is. Accordingly, the state of the UN under the direct influence of American policy is revealing an undercurrent of financial and sexual abuse among some peacekeepers and UN staff, a practice, which after all the stone-walling on the scale of the Catholic Church – continues to this day, this time in Haiti. [12]

Whether the UN can embody the highest principles humanity has to offer or continue to be the arm of the current Neo-Liberal disaster of the Structural Adjustment Team remains to be seen. Like so many of our institutions they may have to be symbolically demolished in order to be rebuilt on solid ground before it can be an authentic vessel for global truth.


Notes

[1] Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda by Michael Barnett, published by Cornell University Press (2003). From the Synopsis: “[T]he UN culture recast the ethical commitments of well-intentioned individuals, arresting any duty to aid at the outset of the genocide. Barnett argues that the UN bears some moral responsibility for the genocide. Not only did the UN violate its moral responsibilities, but  many in New York believed that they were “doing the right thing”. Barnett addresses the ways in which the Rwandan genocide raises a warning about this age of humanitarianism and concludes by asking whether it is possible to build “moral institutions.”
[2] ‘Fifty Years of Political Meddling by the World Bank’ The Ecologist 24, No.1, 1994
[3] ‘U.N.: Intransigence of US Endangers Rights Council – Washington Should Work to Make New Body Effective’ Human Rights Watch http://www.hrw.org New York, March 9, 2006.
[4] ‘The US Debt Is Outrageous and Untrue,’ by Roscoe Bartlett, News Release, January 27, 1998.
[5] Comprehensive Report of the Special Advisor to the DCI on Iraq’s WMD September 2004, http://www.cia.gov/
[6] Ibid.
[7]  Maritime Interception Operations (MIO) http://www.globalsecurity.org/
[8] ‘UN Oil for Food ‘Scandal’’ by Joy Gordon November 18, 2004 The Nation, (December 6, 2004 issue) http://www.thenation.com
[9] United Nations web page http://www.un.org/ Oil for Food program Humanitarian relief page.
[10]  ‘Timeline: Oil-for-food scandal’ BBC News, 7 September 2005.
[11] ‘UN: Probe of Peacekeeping Fraud and Contracts Abuse’ by Thalif Deen, Inter Press Service January 24th, 2006.
[12] ‘UN releases report on sex abuse by peacekeepers’ Study found that troops commonly paid for sex with cash, dresses, jewellery, perfume, and mobile phones. Al-Jazeera, 16 Jun 2015.