judiciary

Amerikan Beauty IV: The Franklin Cover-Up


Originally filmed as a documentary about the Franklin Cover-Up for the U.K.’s Yorkshire television, Conspiracy of Silence was pulled prior to airing due to immense pressure from the US government. All recordings were thought to be destroyed. Luckily, some bright spark saved a copy on U-matic tape format which eventually found its way to the internet. Twenty years later, the story remains a powerful piece of documentary film-making, and as relevant today as it was then.

The raiding of the Franklin Community Credit Union in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1989, led to a series of investigations which unearthed much more than the revelation of money-laundering. The probe culminated in a scandal involving the systematic abuse of young girls and boys by officials in local government, entertainment, media, up to the Whitehouse and Bush Sr.’s Oval office door. Washington D.C. and other cities were connected to Omaha which acted as the clearinghouse for the massive numbers of children involved in the high-level abuse. Children were used as “drug mules” in order to sexually compromise politicians and other prominent and powerful people around the country. In other words, it was another example of sexpionage – the American way…

The-Franklin-Cover-UpThe Franklin Cover-Up [1] now in its second edition, was written by John De Camp a former Nebraska State senator and ex-Vietnam veteran. Decamp recounts his continuing fight to defend two victims of the paedophile sex ring: Paul Bonacci and Alicia Owen, the only persons remaining as victims of the abuse. Many victims have been murdered or silenced with threats and intimidation. Others have not contemplated coming forward due to the nature of the abuse and the shame and guilt induced. Moreover, with 15-30 suspicious deaths linked to the case it is hardly surprising that many decided against it. (Bonacci also claims to have been involved in the kidnapping of Johnny Gosch/Guckert/Gannon which we will explore presently. Whether it is truly the same person remains to be discovered).

One particular death which had the calling card of the CIA was that of Gary Caridori who was killed the night before he was about to testify. A careful and meticulous pilot, he was flying back from Chicago when his private plane blew up in mid-air, killing his little boy with him. No cause has been determined. As with the Dutroux case and others, suspicious deaths seem to mandatory when investigations ensue.

A list of the dead follows who were all deeply connected with some aspect of the Franklin case:


  1. Bill Baker – He was a restaurant owner in Omaha, and a partner of Larry King in homosexual pornography operations. He was found shot in the back of the head.
  2. Shwan Boner – Brother of victim-witness Troy Boner, he died of a gunshot wound from ‘Russian Roulette.’
  3. Gary Caradori – Chief investigator for the legislative Ranklin Committee, Caradori told associates days before his death that he had information that would ‘blow this case wide open.’ He died when his plane crashed on July 11, 1990.
  4. Andrew ‘A.J.’ Caradori – Died at the age of 8, in the plane crash with his father.
  5. Newt Copple – A confidential informant for Caradori and his investigative firm, Copple was a key behind-the-scenes activist fighting the cover-up of the Franklin case. Son of Commonwealth Savings owner S.E. Copple, businessman in his own right, an ex-champion wrestler with no prior health problems and parents who lived into their late eighties and nineties, Copple suddenly ‘died in his sleep’ in March 1991, at the age of 70.”
  6. Clare Howard – The former secretary of Alan Baer, who arranged Baer’s paedophile trysts, Howard ‘died in her sleep’ in 1991.
  7. Mike Lewis – A former caregiver for victim-witness Loretta Smith. He died of a ‘severe diabetic reaction’ at the age of 32.
  8. Joe Malek – associate of Larry King and owner of Peony Park, where homosexual galas were held. His death from gunshot was ruled a suicide.
  9. Aaron Owen – the brother of victim-witness Alicia Owen. He was found hanged in his cell in Lincoln, Nebraska, hours before one of his sister’s court appearances.
  10. Charlie Rogers – A reputed homosexual partner of Larry King, Rogers said that he feared for his life, in the days before his death. His head was blown off with a shotgun, in what was ruled a suicide.
  11. Dan Ryan, an associate of Larry King. He was found strangled or suffocated in a car.
  12. Bill Skoleski – An officer in the Omaha Police Department who was believed to be keeping a file on Larry King, he died of a heart attack.
  13. Kathleen Sorenson – The foster parent for Nelly and Kimberly Webb after they fled the home of Larry King’s relatives, Jarrett and Barbara Webb, she was an outspoken activist against Satanism.
  14. Curtis Tucker – An associate of Larry King, he fell or jumped out of the window of the Holiday Inn in Omaha.
  15. Harmon Tucker – A school superintendent in Nebraska and Iowa, a reputed homosexual, his death had signs of satanic ritual murder. He was found dead in Georgia, near the plantation which Harold Andersen and Nebraska-Iowa FBI chief Nicholas O’Hara used for hunting.”
  16. Bill Colby – One time director of the CIA and according to De Camp, the “heart and soul of the Franklin Case.”

After the full extent of financial corruption at Franklin Community Credit Union became clear, further probing revealed that the GOP operative Lawrence E. “Larry” King Jr. recently released from prison, allegedly hired photographers to capture legislators and high officials in acts of child rape and molestation. King had not only participated in financial fraud but supervised the running of these paedophile operations in which hundreds of children were systematically raped.

According to De Camp:

At the Dallas [GOP] convention in 1984, King threw his splashy party at Southfork Ranch, remembered by me and many other delegates as an unparalleled extravaganza. According to several victim-witnesses, he also arranged some private events during the convention. They recall being flown to Dallas, to be sexually used by convention-goers. Gary Caradori mapped the recollections of the Webb foster children in his notes of February 1990:

‘During this visit [the children’s aunt] Marcy informed [social worker] Joanie that [the youngest Patterson Webb sister] Kendra had told her she had been transported around the country several times, she thought to Texas and Louisiana. Marcy remembered Texas in particular, and a Republican Convention because one of the children, possibly Kendra, had a book of matches from Texas and that is how the children had known where they were at. Joanie stated she remembered that the children had been exploited sexually in Texas, and she indicated that it was [the] feeling this activity had been occurring for several years.’ […]

I was later to learn from Paul Bonacci, that he was also at the famed Southfork party. He described it for me in exact detail, some seven years after the party took place. He had been here for the purpose of providing sexual favors for people Larry King wanted to accommodate, satisfy, or compromise. Paul said he was one of a troop of teenage boys and girls, whom King had shipped to Dallas for his purposes. [2]

Alicia Owen is a particularly tragic symbol of modern day America’s corrupt justice system and government. Before Decamp became her attorney, a court case was held which resulted in Ms. Owen refusing to recant and being charged with perjury and sentenced to 15 years in prison. Ms. Owen’s testimony concerning forced sexual activities with highly placed officials from law enforcement to the government did not go down well. Having been abused for most of her life, Alicia Owen was now branded a criminal for telling the truth. In Decamp’s words: “This girl never went out looking for somebody to tell her story to. Somebody got her name and went to see her and offered her immunity. Alicia was told that if she didn’t tell what happened that she would really be in deep trouble. So she told it all and the next thing she knew, she was the one being charged.”What further compounds the misery of all the victims is that: “King went to prison for embezzlement, conspiracy and making false financial record entries…there was no trial on any other charges, and the evidence of child prostitution and abuse perpetrated by King was never presented in any court.” [3]

There was however, some good news.

On February 5, 1999, in U.S. District Court in Lincoln, Nebraska, Paul Bonacci’s civil action was successful and he was awarded $1,000.000 dollars in damages in a US court of law. Judge Warren K. Urbom ordered Lawrence King – who was then serving his sentence in Federal prison – to pay the $1 million in damages in what amounted to a clear vindication of the evidence presented. Alicia Owen was also released from prison. However, according to Johnny Gosch’s mother, Noreen Gosch she: “… is keeping a very low profile. She’s terribly scared since her brother was murdered as a warning to her to keep her mouth shut. She does not do any interviews. Her parents will not do interviews. They live in fear.”


The Franklin Scandal offered a glimpse into the child rape networks still operating across the world and which have a particular connection to the global obscenity of human trafficking. The case also offered insights into the journey of Jeff Gannon, aka James Guckert or perhaps Johnny Gosch, a paperboy who disappeared on Sept. 5, 1982, in West Des Moines, Iowa.His mother, Noreen Gosch can’t be certain that Guckert is one and the same, but she would understandably like to know. [4]  

After being ignored by the local police, the FBI and Department of Criminal Investigation in Iowa she decided to hire private investigators that provided her with some interesting tit-bits of information. However, it was to be the press conference she held back in 1982, way before the heat from the Franklin affair was to hit the headlines that would stir up a veritable hornet’s nest. She received her first death threat which confirmed to her that she was tapping into the same cover-up from a different direction to DeCamp. She was told: “Stop making waves or you are going to die.”

It was in 1997 that she believes Johnny Gosch, then 24 years-old, paid her a visit. A lengthy extract follows describing the meeting:

There was a knock at my door at about 2:30 a.m. I went to the door and I could see through the peephole that there was a young man outside. I said, “Who’s there?” He said, “It’s me, mom. It’s Johnny.” I could see that there was someone with him, but I let them in. I don’t know who the other young man was.I asked, but he declined to tell me.

Johnny would have been about 24 years old at this point.

What did he tell you?

It was very emotional. I asked if I could call someone to come and help us, thinking that he was home to stay. But Johnny was so terrified. He said, “You don’t understand. You can’t call anyone. No one can know that I’ve been here. If you do, my life is in danger and yours might be, too. They will kill me for what I know.’Instead of pushing this issue, I said to myself, ‘No, I’m going to let him talk and tell me what’s happened.’ So, during our hour-and-a-half time that we had together. I learned a lot. I asked him names of people. I asked him how they did their organization. What methods did they use to traffic in children?

He was here in 1997, but I kept silent for two years and didn’t tell anyone about his visit until 1999 when I was on the witness stand testifying for Paul Bonacci in his civil case. But what I had done in the meantime was to make an appointment with the county attorney. I went in and told him that I had information from an informant. I gave the county attorney the names of the people involved and how the organization worked and asked him to begin an investigation. I did not tell him that the informant was my son.

Did the county attorney investigate?

No, he said that he would not. The only reason he gave was that I would have to somehow convince my informant to turn himself in and be a part of the witness protection program and that they “might” be able to give my informant (Johnny) immunity for any crimes he may have committed during his captivity.

I looked at the county attorney and said, ‘They ‘might’ be able to give him immunity? That doesn’t work for me.’ He responded, ‘Well, you’re going to have to turn over the boy.’ I said, ‘I don’t have the boy.’ I didn’t tell him that it was Johnny, but I did tell him that ‘the informant” had told me that Johnny was still alive.

I said to the county attorney: ‘I came here to share information with you as I always have. This way I can never be charged with withholding information. If you choose not to investigate, that’s up to you. I will continue my investigation as I always have.’ [5]

The self-professed CIA agent Paul Bishop miraculously appeared on the scene in 1984 to “assist” Noreen Gosch during the period of his disappearance. He disappeared from the Gosch’s lives in 1985 without a word and since reappeared under arrest in February 4th, two weeks before Gannon-gate scandal and reportedly charged with possessing obscene material.

This CIA asset may have been assigned to monitor the situation while genuinely wanting to help the Gosch family understand their son’s disappearance. The latter is unlikely, however. Whether he was warned off initially and set-up once again is open to speculation. To have such a flurry of events taking place around the subject of child prostitution and exploitation all in one month suggests that someone, somewhere was trying to put out a fire.

Meanwhile, Noreen Gosch self-published a book: Why Johnny can’t come home which details the events surrounding her son’s disappearance. She also spoke in court in support of Bonacci singling out in particular U.S. Army Lt. Col. Michael Aquino (ret) as a primary mover in the paedophile ring that abducted her son, Johnny Gosch. She established a clear link that the military was involved which was mirrored in the high profile Presidio Affair several years previously. (More on this in later posts).

Returning to DeCamp’s book, while the second edition is said to have some factual inaccuracies, the consistent, on the ground confirmation of the victims’ testimonies is compelling. DeCamp illustrates the nature of King’s parties and how many of the dignitaries and officials were a mixture of the complicit and the clueless. It seems homosexual blackmailing operations were part of a tag team between Craig Spence and Larry King who were also previous business partners. DeCamp also includes suggestions that King was involved with arms shipments and procurements which always seem to merge with trafficking and child rape networks somewhere down the line.

lawrenceking9bdAfter Craig Spence was “suicided” in the Boston Hotel in November 1989, Decamp observes that: “… it was the latest in the long string of deaths of persons linked to Iran-Contra covert operations and funding. There is evidence that Larry King had Washington business in that area as well. ‘In the 6 ½ months since federal authorities closed Franklin, rumors have persisted that money from the credit union somehow found its way to the Nicaraguan contra rebels,’ said a World Herald article on May 21, 1989.” [6]

What must have perplexed the authorities who were unaware of the scale and depth of the operations was the reoccurring name of George Bush Senior. The child sex, pornography ring run out of Nebraska by Larry King went all the way up to the White House. This was not due to any particular rumour or hearsay but documented testimonials and facts that would never find their way to court. A Nebraska state police report, Nebraska Foster Care Review Board letter to the Attorney General, Nebraska Senate’s Franklin committee investigative report, and a 50-page report by Omaha’s Boys Town welfare case officer Mrs. Julie Walters, were all ignored. Victims of the paedophiles and pederasts were Kimberly and Nelly Webb who described their abuse in the report, an extract of which follows:

Nelly said at these trip parties hosted by Larry King, she sat naked ‘looking pretty and innocent’ and guests could engage in any sexual activity they wanted, but penetration was not allowed…Nelly said she first met V. P. George Bush at the Republican Convention where King sang the national anthem, and saw Bush again at a Washington, DC party Larry hosted…Last year she met V.P. Bushand saw him at one of the parties Larry gave while on a Washington, DC trip. At some of the parties there are just men (as was the case at the party George Bush attended)…Nelly said she has seen sodomy committed at those parties. […]

On December 19, 1988, Nelly was contacted and voluntarily came to the FBI offices on December 30, 1988. She was interviewed by Brady, Tucker and Phillips…in September or October, 1984 when Lisa was 14 she went to Chicago with Larry King and 15-20 boys from Omaha…She indicates she attended a party in Chicago with King and the male youths. She indicated George Bush was present…she sat at a table at the party wearing nothing but a negligee. She stated George Bush saw her on the table. She stated she saw George Bush pay King money and Bush left the party with a nineteen year old black boy named Brent. Lisa said the party Bush attended was in Chicago in September or October 1984. The Chicago Tribune of October 31, 1984 said Bush was in Illinois campaigning for congressional candidates at the end of October. [7]

Both Kimberly and Nelly brought up the name of George Bush Sr. on other occasions most frequently in “in Lowe’s May, 1989 review of reports by Thomas Vlahoulis from the state attorney general’s office suggesting that they had not only seen Bush, but had met him in person. Despite the four successful polygraph tests administered by a Nebraska state trooper, numerous debriefings of the sisters by foster care officials and youth workers all of whom were convinced they were telling the truth, including Julie Walter’s detailed 50 page report mentioning George Bush Sr., a Nebraska judge in December, 1990 ignored all the evidence and dismissed all charges against their foster parents Jarrett and Barbara Webb, who Nelly and Kimberly said had consented to their abuse.

The testimonies of the two girls and other victims who had the courage to come forward were continually discredited. According to One report from World-Herald in July 1989 “attributed the mention of Bush to a person ‘under psychiatric care,’…In reality, the report was from Nelly Patterson Webb.” [8]  And if we are honest, there was no way possible that such a story was ever going to gain momentum.

The Bush family Empire has had – directly or indirectly – its sticky fingers in most underworld crimes, from narcotics to assassinations, financial fraud to organised child abuse networks. Since they are the equivalent of American royalty with actual ties to the British monarchy, an almost impenetrable net of protection and security allows them and others of the Anglo-American Establishment to continue their crimes far from public scrutiny. If persons get too close or those in the same exploitative business become a liability, they become “surplus to requirements” and added to the growing list of those who have been “suicided,” a fate, some believe was visited upon the beat generation writer, Hunter S. Thompson.

Thompson was as outspoken as he was literary pioneer and scathing about the modern world he found himself inhabiting. He once said: “If I’d written all the truth I knew for the past ten years, about 600 people – including me – would be rotting in prison cells from Rio to Seattle today. Absolute truth is a very rare and dangerous commodity in the context of professional journalism.”

bush_2474856bThe Bush Dynasty: Vanguards of sexual psychopathy?

It was a little suspicious that the writer killed himself with a gun no more than a few hours after the Jeff Gannon scandal hit the news. If the allegations that Thompson was involved in the production of “snuff” films is true, and with persistent claims and testimonies from abused children to support those allegations, then his apparent suicide becomes even less tenable. There is the possibility that he killed himself due to guilt from his underground role as a “snuff” movie film-maker. Or perhaps he’d just had enough of the world – given his past and complex personality this would understandable. Author of The Franklin Scandal Nick Bryant believes that there is nothing to support this theory other than hearsay and rumour. Paul Bonacci, one of the main witnesses in the Franklin case gave detailed accounts of his abuse in Nevada and recalled specifically Thompson as the man who filmed the crimes which included forced necrophilia and murder. Bryant makes it clear however, that Bonacci had no idea what Thompson looked like, nor is it likely that the writer would have introduced himself with his own name as alleged.

Perhaps it is simply the fact that Thompson had had enough of his involvement with an Establishment and country he saw as morally bankrupt, describing it as: “… a nation of two hundred million used car salesmen with all the money we need to buy guns and no qualms about killing anybody else in the world who tries to make us uncomfortable.” He was part of it nonetheless. Whether it was a sign of his own self-loathing and partial collaboration with the Establishment mechanisms it seemed he had reached a point of indifference regarding his own safety when he publicly stated how he felt about the Bush dynasty at the time:  “… little rich kids like George Bush? ….. They speak for all that is cruel and stupid and vicious in the American character…. I piss down the throats of these Nazis. And I am too old to worry about whether they like it or not. Fuck Them.”

Hear, hear.

hunter-s-thompson

Hunter S. Thompson early 1970s. In his suicide note he wrote: “Relax – This won’t hurt.”

Paul Bonacci was also able to provide a compelling testimony to the presiding judge regarding the descriptions of the ritual meeting ground where some of the snuff films were allegedly carried out. It was none other than Bohemian Grove * located in forested area outside Sacramento, California, a place where the rich and powerful play at being neo-pagans with much pomp and ceremony. This includes enacting all kinds of silly rituals in front of a statue of an Owl called Moloch and getting excited about “human sacrifices.” [9]  The site is heavily guarded and extremely secure. A video of what goes on at the Grove was secretly filmed a few years ago and gives an insight into the kinds of activities our would-be leaders get up to on their days off. Taking into account the fact Bonacci would have been a child at the time of his abuse he was able to describe his surroundings in sufficient detail – including the Owl – for the court to rule that this was indeed Bohemian Grove. As such, there may be a much more sinister side to the pantomime than perhaps even some of the participants are aware of.

Other events during Gannon-gate suggest damage limitation.

According to De Camp’s book, a photographer called Rusty Nelson was allegedly involved in recording a great deal of the child rape for Larry King’s blackmail purposes, accompanying him on his lavish parties in order to take the photos of high-profile individuals in compromising positions with young boys and girls. Nelson said he was once offered $50,000 by Hunter Thompson to help film one of his snuff movies, which he declined.

With a somewhat chequered history revealing a past interest in photographing underage girls, Nelson nevertheless vehemently denied involvement in child prostitution and pornography. It is highly likely that Nelson knows a great deal more than he admitted to in court, yet he confirmed Bonacci’s testimony to Judge Urbom:

Q: Children on the airplane?
A: Yes.
Q: How young?
A: There was one situation went back to Washington, DC…he had probably 10, 12 years old…
Q: Boys, girls?
A: Both…
Q: Who attended the parties?
A: Prominent business people, very prominent high-ranking officials, politicians. The younger people. What would transpire was they would have a party and then a party after the party…after the party was more of a sex-type deal…That’s what Larry [King] would….
Q: These old politicians were having sex with each other?
A: Or people Larry would bring…some younger people
Q: Did you take pictures of the parties?
A: I took pictures at some of the parties, yes…” [10]

Two days after Thompson’s death, Nelson was arrested, for failing to register as a sex offender in a county of which he was no longer a resident. Many believed this to be a warning.

When the identity of James Guckert / Johnny Gosch was revealed in February 2005 the corporate-compromised media ignored a potentially explosive story on the iniquities of the White House. With orders from on high to the respective editors, it is unlikely that the initial window of opportunity will be reopened. It will be consigned to the self-perpetuating bubble of speculation, rumour and five second attention spans so favoured in the American media.

What we can deduce from this sordid mess are the links between child abuse, high-level child rape networks, arms, narcotics and human trafficking not only overlap and operate on a symbiotic basis but are sanctioned from the highest levels of our societies’ institutions from a mixture of apathy, ignorance and purposeful intent. I hope this very brief look at some of the child abuse scandals of the past will help the reader understand that this is far from exceptional. Rather, we are dealing with a glimpse into an abyss which has become deeper over the last ten years as a symptom of wide scale ponerisation of our Western societies in particular.

In the next post we will look at the further examples of organised abuse which flows through the tributaries of the military and security-corporate complex.


* Bohemian Grove is a 2,700-acre campground located at 20601 Bohemian Avenue, in Monte Rio, California, belonging to a private San Francisco-based men’s art club known as the Bohemian Club. In mid-July each year, Bohemian Grove hosts a two-week, three-weekend encampment of some of the most powerful men in the world. One of the crowning glories of the event is the worship of a 40ft Owl with fire and brimstone chanting which is so laughable it has to be seen to be believed. The fact that elder statesman and government and corporate officials behave in this way is bad enough but dressing up silly costume and chanting praise to an effigy of a massive owl is more than disturbing. You can do that by visiting: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpKdSvwYsrE | See also: ‘Bohemian Grove: Where the rich and powerful go to misbehave’ By Elizabeth Flock, Washington Post, June 15, 2012. ‘And: ‘Bohemian Tragedy’ by Alex Shoumatoff, Vanity Fair, May 2009.

Notes

[1] The Franklin Cover-Up: Child Abuse, Satanism, and Murder in Nebraska by John W. Decamp published by AWT. 1992| ISBN: 0963215809.
[2] Ibid. (p.167).
[3] Ibid. (p.224)
[4] There is good evidence that James Gukert may well be Johnny Gosch. From John DeCamp: “Bonacci told me the same thing [that Jeff Gannon is Johnny Gosch].” And this bombshell from Noreen: “…the birthmark on Johnny’s chest is very similar to a mark seen on Gannon’s chest in at least one photo. Gannon has a spot on his right cheek in the same place as Johnny.” – ‘Noreen Gosch Speaks About Jeff Gannon, Johnny Gosch and the attempted theft of her book:Why Johnny Can’t Come Home By Charlene Fassa.
[5] Transcript of radio interview with Noreen Gosch, Radio Free America, a weekly call-in talk forum sponsored by American Free Press, August 19, 2003. Noreen Gosch’s website can be found at this address: http://www.johnnygosch.com.
[6] Ibid. (p.169)
[7] Mrs. J. Walter’s Nebraska Dept. of Social Services report March 25, 1986.
[8] Ibid.
[9] ‘Bless the Beasts and the Children’ – Photographer for White House child sex ring arrested after Thompson suicide, Tom Flocco, tonflocco.com March 13, 2005.
[10] U.S. District Court testimony, 2-5-1999, pp. 89-91.

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Aussie Rules

By M.K. Styllinski

“… the victims who were abused as part of this network as children can testify to the fact that police officers we’re actually being paid off so that this criminal network remained untouchable.”

Dr. Reina Michaelson


Kangaroo-Springen

Australia surfaces consistently on many paedophile ring investigations with a familiar denial of Establishment involvement. This is made easier by the fact that Australia already has the most concentrated media ownership in the western world care of billionaire Rupert Murdoch, a Pathocrat-friendly media mogul.

In March 2005, after alleged police involvement and protection of the State wide paedophile and child pornography network, a former Young Australian of the year, Dr Reina Michaelson held a press conference in Melbourne, Victoria, on new revelations regarding the controversy. She alleged the paedophile networks involved media personalities, politicians and corporate executives. Nothing new you might say. However, what Michaelson did bring to the proceedings was evidence that should have created a storm of publicity.

She produced a police tape recording from an Ombudsmen meeting in November 2004, where the high level investigator from the Office of Police Integrity (OPI) which was formed precisely for the purpose of addressing the continuing allegations of abuse, told her:  “What I would hope that we can achieve is possibly nothing in relation to that past [paedophile] ring, even if it is still operating”. [1] This, in itself, is a damning statement offering a hefty can of worms to be opened by the media. True to form, almost all of the Australian press ignored the conference as well as this very revealing statement.

r198417_756705

The formation of the Office of Police Integrity was the Victoria Government’s response to fend off calls last year from Dr Michaelson and others for a Royal Commission into links between police corruption, paedophile rings and Melbourne’s gangland killings. The Office dismissed their complaints without having interviewed the copious witnesses or having recalled any Victoria files. The Office continues to be viewed by many as a cover for damage limitation rather than a genuine investigative body.

In Michaelson’s words from her press release:

“… the victims who were abused as part of this network as children can testify to the fact that police officers we’re actually being paid off so that this criminal network remained untouchable. So that’s why we want it to be investigated thoroughly, and for there to be a report of the kind of quality that came out as a result of the last complaint. There is clearly something really bad happening in this State, and it needs to be sorted out. […] It’s organized crime, and it’s being allowed to continue because… There are a couple of bad eggs in the right places.” [2]

A separate report followed from Edward Picton Mullighan QC appointed by the government’s Commission of Inquiry into Children in State Care [3] which was itself, pressured into action from Dr. Michaelson’s efforts. Characteristic of so many “official” reports and inquiries, the author of the report seemed to slip into extremely selective and simplistic bias regarding the overview of one witness testimony of systematic and severe sexual abuse. The testimony of the professionals involved was deemed more important than witness testimonies and where all adult explanations were taken at face value without taking into account hundreds of other reported cases within the South Australian care system.

Dr. Reina Michaelson

Dr. Reina Michaelson

As a signpost for further allegations which the government has steadfastly ignored, it was seen as appropriate to sink the report without further discussions. The nature of the evidence was so disturbing that this automatically engendered disbelief, or as a more likely possibility, the recommendations to cease further investigations.

The only Member of the Australian Parliament, speaker of the House, Peter Lewis MP raised the issue of murder, corruption and organised child abuse thereby taking it straight to the Aussie Establishment door.

The politician gave a statement to police that two gay men murdered in Adelaide in late 2004 told him that a serving elected politician was involved in paedophile activities in Adelaide’s South Parklands. Robert Woodland, who was found beaten to death in the Parklands last December and Shaine Moore, whose body was found in his home in suspicious circumstances in February 2005, separately contacted Lewis and told him of the person’s paedophilic actions. Police initially said the paedophile MP allegations were examined in 2003 and found to be unsubstantiated, but reopened their investigation.

Unfortunately, the key witness, one Lewis Craig Ratcliffe, was also a convicted sex offender which didn’t help the evidence. Yet eight other witness’ testimonies were summarily ignored. All possessed evidence about the paedophile MP’s extra-curricular activities.

Bringing attention to the subject of organised child abuse resulted in the MP resigning to avoid being ousted by a “no confidence” vote. This was said to be based upon his lack of evidence, despite Lewis’ call for a proper investigation and the obvious glut of provable background cases connected to a high-level paedophile ring operating above the law. The latter however, was deemed inadmissible.

vic.Hobart.9.7.04

If the MP’s allegations were without foundation and evidence, it begs the question why the Rann Government took the unprecedented step of temporarily suspending parliamentary privilege in order to stop the MP at the centre of the claims being named. One political scientist commented on the move describing the removal of the privilege of Parliament as a “major step” and that “The argument that Premier [Mike] Rann is using [that the paedophile allegations take precedent over anything else] is an emotive argument but put against 100 years of convention is a difficult one to push…” [4]  Other pleas for investigations into separate paedophile rings began to surface during the same year and by August 2005, someone in the OPI obviously wanted to send a message showing just how ineffective the Office was. [5]

mike-rann

Mike Rann

The Privacy Commissioner was called in to investigate how over 500 pages of police files on more than 400 people were sent to a woman who had lodged a serious complaint against the police, after the Office had dismissed her original complaint. The documents that the woman anonymously received showed that: “… the OPI agreed with police to cut the scope of the investigation from two years to five months – without telling the woman.” and also revealed that “her husband’s files were accessed in April last year – although the OPI told the woman that its investigation had found no such access.” One MP told parliament that OPI had ‘misled’ the woman over the accessing of her husband’s file, and had ‘deliberately deceived’ her over the scope of the investigation.

As always, the networks appear to be a tightly woven affair where evidence is highly difficult to come by. This is no surprise if it is sourced from those whose job it is to set the laws and to then give the appearance of investigating it.

On 4th April 2005, Peter Lewis MP, gave a 20 minute resignation speech responding to the highly unusual moves by the Rann government to remove him as Speaker of the House.

An edited extract follows:


The Premier and the Deputy Premier have recently publicly insulted and defamed me and, through the efforts of their spin doctors and media minders, in particular Melvin Mansell of the Adelaide Advertiser, to criminally defame me in a series of editorials and articles, which were reckless in that they were not well researched, unfounded, unprofessional, malicious and, for that reason criminal, they provided through the orchestrated campaign the means by which it has become possible for the Premier and Deputy Premier to now attack and tear down the straw man they constructed.

The central issue in all this is the grossly misleading assertion that I publicly raised the problem of allegations that a Member of Parliament is a paedophile. I made no such claim. That was made by Melvin Mansell’s Advertiser itself. It began on 2 March, when Nigel Hunt contacted me to ask me about claims made by Craig Ratcliffe on web sites late last year and repeated by him to The Advertiser early this year that there is a paedophile in state parliament and that he (Craig Ratcliffe) was very concerned that his life had been threatened following the death in suspicious circumstances of someone else, namely Shaine Moore, whom he knew and whom he believed had been murdered.

I responded honestly to Nigel Hunt’s unsolicited inquiries to my office on 1 March. That information coming into my office from a few of the very many people claiming knowledge about the activities of paedophiles in general was of concern to me because, of the few people who spoke about parliament’s problem, more than half had been killed. Since then, Shaine Moore’s death has been declared a murder. […]

… they [witnesses] were being ‘bumped off ’— that is, murdered and viciously assaulted — quicker than I or the people who were helping me could get them to write down their allegations and then swear that what they were saying was true. Of course, I told Nigel Hunt that they should be protected from murderous acts. At no time have I ever said that they were being murdered or violently bashed into serious long-term mental dysfunction at the hands or the instigation of any MP. That was an improper speculation made by government ministers and their specialist spin doctors to the press across the length and breadth of the state to try to show me in a bad light. In retrospect, I believe it was another deliberate red herring contrived by them, just like the one about homosexuals and their haunts, to discredit me. […]

The most outrageous thing of all, which disturbs me most about the information which has come in to my office is not the matter of paedophiles in South Australia’s parliament but what appears to be the related and organised activities of those paedophiles in high public office—that is, the judiciary, the senior ranks of human services portfolios, some police, and MPs, across the nation, especially within the ranks of the Labor Party. Yet you only have to recall in recent years the investigations, charges and successful convictions against such people as Darcy, Liddy, Wright, Wells, a former senator, and other current and past MPs in Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria to understand my concern. They have not acted alone or in isolation, it seems to me. Equally, it seems to me, they cleverly recruit their victims not from amongst the churches’ young groups and surf life saving clubs and boy scouts these days. There is a new group of youngsters they prey on—those involved in other action-type sports requiring body contact in coaching and skills development, if not in the action of the sport itself.


Lewis reiterated the standard protocol of initiatives, inquiries, commissions and investigations of this nature are carried under intense pressure, ridicule, and denials, while the individual or individuals in question who have sought to have proper investigations into organized child molestation are defamed, slandered and marginalised. The door always remains closed to Establishment complicity. Meantime, another Australian police officer shoots himself in an apparent suicide while investigating cases of child abuse.[6]

On the subject of child pornography we have explored the multi-faceted nature of endless prosecutions. Placing tax payers’ money into a short-term cure is designed to obfuscate and distract from the root cause of the problem. As Dr. Michaelson mentioned in her in Press statement following the resistance and refusal of Office of Police Integrity to do their job: “This is NOT the opportunistic abuse of children by men scouring playgrounds or scout groups. What  organized means is that groups of men – and we are largely talking about men, though women have been involved too – that groups of men can meet regularly at particular places at particular times and have children provided for them to abuse. I was told by the OPI’s investigators that what they, quote, “hope to achieve is possibly nothing in relation to that past [paedophile] ring, even if it’s still operating.” [7]

They are nothing if not honest in their intentions. What is more, their trust in the Pathocracy ensures that such honesty is always rewarded. Peter Lewis wasn’t the first to be jettisoned from Parliament over the issue and he won’t be the last.

From a speech by New South Wales Senator Bill Heffernan in Australian Federal Parliament on 29 May 1998: “Recently I made a speech in which I highlighted the code of silence which protects worldwide child sex networks including people in the judiciary, parliament, clergy and the public service. Many of these people live in an abhorrent culture in which is included, as spoils of office, the right to have sex with children …”

Twelve years later, the Australian Parliament is still hanging on to these rights.

 


Notes

[1] Dr. Michaelson Taped Meeting Transcript with the Victorian Ombudsman’s Office, Wednesday, 17th November, March 2005. http://www.csapp.net.
[2] Dr. Michaelson Taped Meeting Transcript With The Victorian Ombudsman’s Office, http://www.csapp.net. Wednesday, 17th November, 2004.
[3]  Children in State Care Commission of Inquiry Report as to a Particular Matter – 28 October 2005.
[4] Flinders University political scientist Dean Jaensch, quoted in The Australian: ‘Parliament gagged as speaker quits.’ By Michelle Wiese Bockmann and Tom Richardson, April 05, 2005.
[5] ‘Call for ‘paedophile ring’ inquiry’ The Herald Sun, May 3, 2005. “A Tasmanian lobby group for child sex abuse survivors has called for a state inquiry into claims a paedophile ring operated in Tasmania during the 1970s and 1980s.”[6] ‘Again a policeman clocks on, kills himself’ By Les Kennedy, Sydney Morning Herald, November 25, 2005.
[7] op.cit; Michaelson, Press Statement, 2005.

The Eurocrats and Marc Dutroux IV: Underworld Justice

“You cannot hope to Understand Belgian politics until you understand blackmail.”

– Belgian politician


In April 2004 an EU centred, satirical and investigative research journal The Sprout raised disturbing questions about Belgian politics suggesting this was much more than a spike of corruption and decadence within its institutions.

In the editorial an unnamed politician described it in the following way: “If Belgium is a thousand layers of shit … then has it rubbed off on the European politicians and officials based in its capital? You cannot hope to understand Belgian politics until you understand blackmail.” The piece went on: “… a senior Belgian government official has confessed to The Sprout that he is embarrassed by one clause that will ensure that any freedom will be limited in the interests of the monarchy, the government or the State.” [1]

That sounds familiar…

European_Parliament_Strasbourg_Hemicycle_-_Diliff© infrakshun

Blackmail or sexpionage  has always been an important covert tool for intelligence agencies and the wider geo-political manipulations which follow from such controls. What better way to ensure maximum obedience within the network of the faithful? Within the lower and upper echelons of society, the modus operandi will differ according to hierarchical status and the “quality” of the agent. For those people who will not be bought, intimidated or black-mailed, there is always the option of “death by accident,” “misadventure,” “cause unknown” and the ubiquitous “apparent suicide.” A senior politician involved in the Dutroux case and who could not be named stated: “For those who simply knew and showed signs of being troubled by their knowledge and compliance, they were threatened through anonymous phone calls which said we’ll do the same to your children & others, who perhaps were more involved, were threatened with suicide.” [2]

Indeed, over twenty unexplained deaths of potential witnesses from suicides and accidents occurred since the trial began, all in suspicious circumstances.

From an extract in the April 2004 edition of The Sprout a partial list of the dead follows:

  • Jean Van Peteghem – Died 1986 – Arrested and imprisoned with Dutroux and his wife. He made a full confession of his involvement with the couple in the abduction and torture of girls. After their release he died in a fire in his caravan.
  • Jen-Pol Taminiau – Died 02/04/95 – A well known figure in the Charleroi underworld and part of the Charleroi car theft ring. He was the owner of a night club. His mother had been receiving death threats. After his death a key was found in the club the key was for a garage owned by Gerard Pinon; inside the garage was found a car belonging to Demanet. Pinon is accused by Dutroux along with his ex-wife, of murdering Weinstein. Demanet was the State prosecutor in Mons. One of Taminiau’s feet was recovered from a canal.
  • José Steppe – Died 15/07/95 – A few weeks after the Dutroux case became public, Steppe an asthmatic – contacted a journalist and told him that he had important information to impart about Dutroux. He was later found dead. The date rape drug Rohypnol was found in his respirator. No autopsy was carried out on his body. Rophynol was used by Dutroux to drug the girls.
  • Bruno Tagliafero – Died 05/11/95 – A scrap metal dealer from the southern Belgian town of Kumieé, who, according to his doctor’s report, died of a heart attack at the tender age of 30. He was contracted to demolish the car in which Julie and Melissa are thought to have been abducted and was prepared to talk. His wife campaigned for over a year to exhume his body. Samples were sent to America. The results state that his corpse had enough cyanide to kill over 100 men.
  • Belgian authorities since claimed that dead bodies generate cyanide and refused to re-open the case. No scientific evidence was presented to support this fanciful explanation.
  • Simon Poncelet – Died 21/02/96 – The police inspector and son of Judge Poncelet, whose removal from the Dutroux case caused 300,000 people to march through Brussels. Poncelet junior worked in the Charleroi car crime division; he was shot 4 times at the police station at Mons. His investigations were concentrated around Gerard Pinon. No arrests have been made.
  • Jean-Marc Houdamont – Died 25/02/96 –  Houdamont was involved in the disappearance of another girl, Elizabeth Brichet in 1989, (for which Dutroux was found guilty). Unfortunately, he died in a car crash on the way to speak to investigators.
  • Michel Piro – Died 06/12/96 – Owner of a brothel and nightclub where Michel Nihoul and Dutroux were regular clients. He contacted Jean- Denis Lejeune, father of Julie, to organise a meal at which he would offer serious revelations into the affair. Two days before the meeting he was beaten to death at a parking lot on the motorway. His wife was later found guilty of the murder but denies the charge.
  • Gérard Vanesse – Died 16/11/97 – Police inspector in Dinant, suspected protégé of Nihoul, a sadomasochist who, allegedly died of blood loss.
  • Anna Konjevoda – Died 08/04/98 – A 60 year old who had testified about links between organised car theft and child trafficking. Friend of the father of the Rochow brothers (who had been drugged and tortured by Dutroux over stolen cars previously), she was found strangled, beaten and then later dumped in the river Meuse a commercially active river in the south of Belgium infamous for being polluted.
  • Gina Pardeans – Died 15/11/98 – Social worker specialising in child victims of paedophilia. She uncovered links between Belgian and Swiss paedophile networks. She also revealed a connection between Houdamont (see above) and these groups. She died in a car accident (her car drove into a bridge) after telling police that she had been receiving death threats only days after telling friends she had also seen a video in which the girls were put to death.
  • Fabienne Juapart – Died 18/12/98 – Wife of Bruno Tagliafero, she was a material witness who had described seeing Nihoul … in a Mercedes in 1996. 18 months after the death of her husband, that she repeatedly claimed was caused by poison (see above), she finally succeeding in having his body exhumed. She was found by her 14 year old son, burnt to death in her bedroom; food was on the table and the back door had been broken. There was no autopsy. The magistrate wisely concluded suicide.”
  • Hubert Massa – Died 13/07/99 – Chief prosecutor in Liège, in charge of both the Dutroux and André Cools briefs. Committed suicide after a meeting with the then Justice Minister Marc Verwilghen. He apparently returned home to Verviers, went into his office and promptly shot himself. Police officers later reported that no letter or clues were left behind.
  • Gregory Antipine – Died 08/99 – Inspector in the Brussels Police. Charged with investigating the various sex parties organised by Nihoul, he was also involved in the investigations of the Elio di Rupo case Di Rupo being the gay leader of Belgian’s socialist party who famously won a case against the state in 1996 which claimed that he had been pursuing affections towards minors. Though just about to receive promotion, the inspector opted to hang himself.
  • Brigitte Jenart – A year after the start of the investigation, Nihoul’s dentist, regarded as an important prosecution witness, is found dead at home. The magistrate describes the death as “suicide.”
  • Guy Guebels – One of the police investigating team, he foolishly called for the enquiry to be broadened. Two days later he is found dead with his police firearm at his side. The magistrate described his death as suicide.
  • Francois Reyskens – Told a friend that he had seen Melissa Russo in Holland, he died falling in front of a train on his way to talk to the police.
  • Christian Coenreadts – Detained by police, he knew both Dutroux and [accomplice, Bernard] Weinstein. A month after his release he was murdered in Brussels.

It is surely no coincidence that so many of these prospective witnesses died just before they were willing to testify. In the context of child-sex trafficking, arms supply and underworld/Establishment protectionism, these appear to be little more than assassinations as part of the standard protocol which ensure the core networks remain undisturbed. How much we get to hear about breaches of integrity within the networks depends on the severity of the accident and to what extent media editors are co-opted by their own self-censoring beliefs as well as outside threats.

The deception and cover-up by the authorities was given a proper airing a few years later while the beginning of the trial still seemed as far away as ever. The X-Files: What Belgium Was Not Supposed to Know about the Dutroux Affair [3] was published in French and Dutch in November of 1999 and refuted the forced consensus that the “X” witnesses were not reliable.

Co-author and journalist Marie-Jeanne Van Heeswyck had the opportunity to see whole police files and to then interview those named in the files to test and correlate their authenticity. They found that some of the policemen within Patrick De Baet’s Gendamerie had rewritten Regina Louf’s original statements. The testimony had been changed and De Baets himself set up as the manipulator. The book cited original police files, transcriptions of the X-witnesses’ evidence and the findings of a parliamentary commission as well as other copious sources. The authors convincingly showed that police and the judiciary were intent on “dumbing down” evidence and destroying the witness’ testimonies from the beginning. They believe the evidence was true, and if known publicly, would destabilise Belgium irrevocably. This was echoed by the politically connected criminal Jean Michel Nihoul in 2002, who never expected to come to court again as the information he claimed he had about important people in Belgium would “bring the Government and the entire state down.”

In May 2003 the Belgian courts overturned the dismissal of the Dutroux-Nihoul case in January of that year. Aarlen Court sentenced Nihoul to five years in jail on June 22, 2004, for drugs crimes, dealing in stolen cars, document forgery and human smuggling. But he was acquitted of all charges relating to the abuse and murder of children due to lack of evidence.  In July 2004, Nihoul appealed for clemency regarding his sentence based on his age, poor health, the length of the trail and the fact he had already been found “innocent” of kidnapping charges. The law courts did not wait for the appeal to run its course and Nihoul was sent to jail to serve at least a portion of his sentence. He managed to secure leave in mid-November 2005 and the commission for probationary release approved his parole on 18 April 2006. Nihoul was released from the Saint-Gilles jail and free by the end of that month.

If Jean-Michel Nihoul was not directly implicated in the abduction and murder of children then it is probable that he oversaw the framework by which children could be procured for those above the law. He is a shrewd businessman with a talent for manipulation and easy profits by expending the least possible effort. Persons such as Nihoul would never let morals get in the way of a fast buck. Like Dutroux, perhaps he was in the same pyramid of procurement and, like Dutroux, though a small time entrepreneur, his income reflected the lucrative nature of his Elite dealings.

Dutroux always maintained that it was Nihoul who was the man responsible for children that were “kidnapped to order.”  This seems curious however. After all, amid a string of suspicious deaths, Nihoul is still alive. Yet it is also possible that he set aside some insurance policies of his own to ensure his own safety. Otherwise, it is likely that he would now be “suicided” like so many were throughout the duration of this trial. Nihoul is now an open book it seems with his own website dedicated to answering those very questions. Large colour photos of him looking suitably earnest and ponderous adorn each page.

Jean Michel Nihoul – sitting pretty

The Marc Dutroux case stands as a testament to the ponerisation of the Justice system in Belgium. It vividly highlights just how deeply infiltrated the institutions have become and what an almost impossible task is set before those who cannot see that psychopaths such as Dutroux reflect influences that exist from the top who, like the development of a disease, encourage and draw out the “infection” in pathological individuals in order to use such people in a pre-designed framework of abuse.

The trial was surrounded by documented and proven incidents of police and judiciary corruption including severe “incompetence” and obstruction of the investigation; intimidation of witnesses and members of the police and judiciary; a proven conflict of interest between a judge and two of the accused with past history of crime; persistent history of police failure to solve child abuse cases; past leniency for paedophilia in the law; key evidence buried or excluded; the biggest demonstrations ever seen in Belgian and related to any crime trial and over twenty unexplained deaths of potential witnesses, including ”suicides” and “accidents” all of which  occurred in suspicious circumstances.

Some lesser known facts which were ignored in the MSM suggest not only that a wider network was indeed operating but that that child rape networks exist and communicate with each other to procure children across the globe:

  • Regina Louf – witness “X” – claimed she witnessed the murder of eighty children. She also said she could have provided pertinent information regarding approximately forty of them. The Public Prosecutor’s Departments of Brussels, Ghent, and Antwerp halted the inquiry leaving only partial details provided by Louf on only five of the children. However, these details and other information provided by her were verified by the investigating team. She also claimed that Nihoul and Dutroux took part in the murder of Christine Van Hees at the “champignonnière”.
  • Marc Verwilghen, chairman of the Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry, asked for a report on the blocked enquiry. He is still waiting.
  • Michel Lelièvre is on record as stating that the kidnap of Anne and Eefje was carried out “on commission”. Laetitia, abducted in Bertrix, heard Dutroux calling mysterious interlocutors to tell them “It’s worked!” and that she heard two names mentioned: Michel and Jean-Michel. [4]
  • While a Flemish family recognised Nihoul in Bertix on the eve of Laetitia’s abduction, the alibi Nihoul gave for that day is no longer viable. “The friend who provided the alibi, the former lawyer Michel Vanderelst, who was sentenced for false testimony in the Haemers affair, left Belgium to take refuge in Gambia, a country that does not recognise extradition.”[5] This made no difference to Nihoul’s parole and subsequent release.
  • The Morkhoven group discovered documents concerning a network that abducts children in Germany and hands them over to brothels in Holland, with the active involvement of many Belgian citizens. No action was taken.
  • The investigating police officer Patriek De Baets had established that after several child disappearances, Marc Dutroux had deposited large sums of money into several bank accounts. After serving a much reduced sentence for rape and kidnapping and walking free in 1992, Mr. Dutroux was worth an estimated 6 million francs. Not bad for a man still officially on welfare.

If this particular psychopath was only a “paid worker” in a network of “handlers” as he had always claimed, then investigations should have continued, though the chance now for the case to be re-opened is slight indeed. The evidence appears to show that Dutroux and his associates’ discovery may have been a glitch in a global operation. This was to be repaired by a very public “trial” and the sentencing and possible murder of lesser “nodes” in the network.

dutroux000

Dutroux: Just a single node in a vast network

By 2009, it was still business as usual. The same old problems were still in evidence with Belgian judicial police suspecting a “web of corruption” among senior magistrates and a “wall of silence” hampering their enquiries. Economic judicial cases came under the spotlight for being a bastion of back-hands and double dealing compromising the very nature of Belgian justice. Or as one Belgian newspaper commented: “If the full police dossier, which has reportedly been hidden from the public for years, were to appear in the media, ‘the consequences for the credibility of the magistracy are incalculable …’” [6]

And just two years later, a major study by the Berlin-based NGO, Transparency International (TI), was submitted at a hearing in the European Parliament in Brussels on June 6 2012. It revealed that: “Corruption and lack of transparency are endemic throughout the EU, with direct links to the economic crisis.” Portugal, Greece, Italy and Spain’s severe economic problems were also singled out as stemming from the large-scale institutional corruption which had been operating at all levels of society.

Costas Bakouris, chair of TI Greece said “… the government has undue influence on the judiciary and the media; laws are riddled with loopholes; companies dodge tax on a vast scale; and the ruling elite treats the state like a cash-cow at the cost of the lower classes.” While chief researcher Luis de Sousa, of TI Portugal said: “It is in fact easier to send to jail a retired person who has stolen a packet of rice than a banker who has stolen €3 billion … Portugal is a country of black holes in its public accounts and budget slippages at all government levels.”  [7]  In summary, de Sousa said government statements on anti-corruption measures are “bullshit” which is as good a summary as any regarding government pronouncements on these issues.

***

The famous 2003 trial in Toulouse, France, bore yet more resemblances to the Dutroux case. Sado-masochistic orgies were being enjoyed by Judges, police and politicians, with murder and black-mail threats thrown into the mix courtesy of the notorious serial killer Patrice Alègre – another hired hand for the higher-up’s.

Alègre, a policeman’s son, was known to be the organiser of a thriving prostitution business, providing under-age girls for the orgies at a courthouse in the city and at a chateau owned by the town council. One former prostitute alleged that two other young women were murdered at the orgies organised by Alègre where frequent acts of rape and other forms of extreme sexual violence took place.

Dominique Baudis, the city’s former right-wing mayor and current head of the Conseil Supérieur de l’Audiovisuel, an independent broadcasting watchdog was among four people who allegedly ordered Alègre to murder on demand. Baudis claimed he was framed by his outspoken stance on hard core pornography. Allegations then surfaced that Baudis was also Alègre’s lover. Justice Minister Dominique Perben and Toulouse’s sacked prosecutor-general, Jean Volff, were accused of covering up links between senior officials and the exploitation of vulnerable, under-age girls.

The police, judiciary and half of the elite of Toulouse were wringing their hands as they attempted to explain why it was that so many of Alègre’s murder victims had officially been listed as suicides. It did not take long for the evidence to run dry and the scapegoating of a prostitute to ensue, who was said to have made the whole thing up. With this soothing balm provided the media moved on. Alègre was jailed in 2002 for multiple rape and 5 counts of murder. He was of course, made out to be yet another lone psychopath.

Meanwhile however, the disappearance of 115 young women in the Toulouse area between 1986 and 1997, (parallel with the huge disappearances of hundreds of children in Belgium overlapping the same period ) led to a re-opening of all cases linked to earlier claims that Alègre was paid to establish a prostitution network by respected local leaders.

And so it goes on …

 


Notes

[1] ‘Guardians of the Treaty,’ The Sprout, March 2004.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Les Dossier “X” Ce que la Belgique ne devait pas savoir sur l’affaire Dutroux. A.Bulté, D.DE Coninck, MJ Van Heeswyck, Les dossiers X, EPO, 1999.
[4] ‘It’s Time to break the Silence!’ by Dr. Marc Reisinger. X1: Pour la Veritie, Radical Party, 2000.
[5] Ibid.
[6] ‘Belgian police suspect corruption within judicial system’ http://www.expatica.com, August 14. 2009.
[7] Ibid.

The Eurocrats and Marc Dutroux III: Satanic Signs

“In the course of her testimony, Gini talked about snuff movies, the murder of children and even hunting parties during which naked children ran in a park and were shot with crossbows. She said that she had learnt what drove these clients to such extremes: a sort of addiction to power, the power to decide over pain, life and death. She spoke of businessmen, politicians – some of them well-known, others less so – magistrates, doctors and men with families. XI got to know a series of children who, like her, had been part of the network for years.”

– Regina Louf, child rape/ritual abuse victim


Early in the trial the lead lawyer for the defence Xavier Magnee said that his client, Marc Dutroux, could not have acted alone in the abductions, rape and murders of several girls stating: “Can people make you believe that there wasn’t a paedophile ring? Would we be the only country in the world where paedophiles are isolated perverts?” [1]

This is exactly what sections of the mainstream media and our governments the world over would have us believe.

He also raised the possibility of occult ritual abuse – most notably forms of satanism – as another factor to be taken into account for an already thoroughly bewildered jury. They had heard testimony involving rape, abuse, torture, murder, blackmail, and a child-sex mafia, with an array of disappearing witnesses and judges. They were probably expecting satanic worship to arrive at some point along the way – and here it was. [2]  This was one trial where the jurors could be forgiven for being more than a little nervous about their civic duty.

Magnee mentioned that traces of DNA of several unknown people has been found at Dutroux’s underground “dungeon” and that information found at the murdered accomplice Bernard Weinstein’s home suggested a link with college of Black Magick called the  Abrasax Institute led by “high priestess” Dominique Kindermans. The location of the organization was in a village near Charleroi, with the building itself serving as the offices of a number of pagan organisations, including the Belgian Church of Satan and the Luciferian Initiation Order.

In early January 1997, a Flemish newspaper reported three policemen (and possibly a fourth) of the Charleroi municipal force had admitted to being members of Abrasax, though they claimed it was all quite harmless. According to Peter Conradi, reporting for The Times, “five witnesses described black masses [there] at which children were killed in front of audiences said to have included prominent members of Belgian society.” [3] One report referred to a letter found in the house of accomplice Weinstein which referred to a group and the need to continue to procure ‘presents’ – in the form of human beings – for the High Priestess of the Order. [4] The media were asked to withhold this information for many months.

A raid resulted in the seizure of hundreds of videotapes, racks of computer discs, two human skulls and jars of animal blood. Mindful of the allegations that some babies were sold to the group by their parents while others were abducted, more than 100 investigators searched the building for eight hours. No evidence was found of any wrong doing or indications that children were being kidnapped for ritual sacrifice, though this line of inquiry received considerable coverage in the Belgium press. Nonetheless, an eight hour search means very little if such an organisation had been forewarned months before.

abraxas

The demon “Abraxas”

Much of the Belgian public was said to have been under the spell of “satanic panic” stemming from a understandable belief that a satanic network of ritual abuse exists within the European Establishment. The business of abuse may serve deeply rooted and extensive networks, very different from the idea of a few wannabe magicians getting high on rituals and decapitating animals. Occult ritual abuse takes place, but as witness testimony will show, it may also act as a deterrent for victims speaking out against their abusers. Indeed, allegations of a massive cover-up refuse to go away.

Over the seven year period until Dutroux’s trial finally began, eleven people came forward to tell their story of abuse at the hands of Belgium’s child rape rings. In 1996, as the investigation got underway, five women and a transvestite testified anonymously under the code-name ‘“X1, X2, X3 and X4” describing an underworld of pornography, snuff movies, sadomasochist torture, bestiality and murder that magistrates and senior police either found either too difficult to comprehend or were forced to cover up.

Henry Kissinger’s good friend and one time European Commissioner Viscount Etienne Davignon and Bilderberg Grp attendee Count Maurice Lippens were alleged to have participated in extreme forms of murder and child abuse at the Cromwel hotel in Knokke. According to witness X2’s notes, parties took place with underage girls in the hotel where: “… Delvoie – Karel – X2 – Lippens – Van Gheluwe – Etienne Davignon,” were present. He wrote further: “The girls knew where to go and with whom. Lippens hits the little girls. Several meetings between Karel and Davignon in the Memling hotel with the two Lippens.” [5]

Pillars of the fascist underground in the 1960s and Ex-Prime Minister of Belgium Paul Vanden Boeynants, and Baron Benoit de Bonvoisin, Prince Alexandre of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha were also named by X witnesses as abusing children within these networks.  The following extracts from a summary of the testimonies of witness X3 describes the horrors to which participants subjected their victims. (Be advised the following extract is graphic):

“The children were taken to a tower made of natural stone and with a wooden door… In the cellars there were cells where the children were locked up, awaiting their turn. There also were some cells for the dogs (dobermans). The passageway gave way to a room of spectacle. In the tower: dead children’s bodies in various stages of decomposition (sometimes dismembered and/or missing body parts) and carcasses of dogs. “Spectators: always the same but difficult to identify – about fifty. She recognized the regent Charles, King Baudouin and King Albert, and two others that she calls Charly [De Pauw] and Polo [Paul Vanden Boeynants]. She thinks to have recognized Willy Claes [later NATO secretary general] and doctor Vanden Eynde. The dogs listen to Ralf and Walter. The addicted dogs are excited. Spectacles = orgies, putting to death children and dogs… Gilles (12 years old??) was castrated by Polo. The other children have to drink the blood … Girls are slashed with razor blades. The lips of the vagina of X3 have partially been cut and were given to eat to the dogs… A girl’s [large] vulva was cut into slices and fed to the dogs… “At the end of another evening a child… had been castrated. The other children that were present buried the boy in a flowerbed. She remembers a child who had been decapitated, then cut and fried before being eaten. She remembers children who hung on hooks in the kitchen.” [6]

The most compelling evidence came from Regina Louf, originally known only as “X1,”who came forward after Judge Connerotte appealed for victims of paedophiles to tell them what they knew. Like the other witnesses, she told police of child sex parties involving judges, politicians, bankers and assorted figures in high society including members of the Belgian royal family. But her testimony was rejected as delusional due, officially, to the extreme nature of the crimes that were described in her first-hand accounts. However, the incredible detail and accuracy of her claims were difficult to ignore. Louf’s stories were checked and key elements were verified by police, often in extraordinary detail. They found at least one murder that Louf said she had witnessed that matched the unsolved murder of Christine Van Hees in 1984. [7]

If even a quarter of her accounts were true, then it placed Dutroux and Nihoul, together at the scene of similar crimes 10 years before the recorded history of abductions. [8] What was more revealing was the confirmation that many Establishment figures were involved in a well-organized network designed to procure children from all over the world.

index

Four cases were reopened as a result of Regina Louf’s testimony, though they would ultimately be closed once again: Veronique Dubrulle, Carine Dellaert and Katrien de Cuyper and 16 year old Christine Van Hees. The latter girl’s body was found tied up in a disused mushroom factory. She had been raped several times, tortured doused with petrol and set alight. Louf described the scene, witnesses and perpetrators of the  murder (Dutroux, Nihoul, Jean-Claude Van Espen among others) all in perfect detail. Still, she was described as a “fantasist” by the Anne Thily, Prosecutor General of Liège. See:‘Belgium’s Heart of Darkness’ The Guardian, 2002.


In an interview given in 1998 to reporters Annemie Bulté and Douglas de Coninck Louf gave support to the hypothesis that Satanism could act as a theatrical form of mind control that served to disorientate and confuse the victims so that they doubted their own powers of recollection and objective recall. This does not preclude the presence of satanic networks that are far removed from the description that follows, but supports the historical veracity of organized Elite power and their many methods of self-protection starting with the natural buffering of the lower tiers.

Louf described the mechanics involved:

XI: “An amusing subject at last! (She poses as a governess). Alright then, Satanism. Put yourself in the torturers’ shoes. When they received new victims into their network, it was extremely important that they shouldn’t speak to anyone about what had happened to them. That’s why they organized ceremonies. They took the victim to a heavily guarded house and convinced her that it was her party.

There would then be a great performance with masks, candles, inverted crosses, swords and animals. Rabbits were disembowelled, the blood was poured on naked girls, and some men and women worshipped the devil. We, the experienced girls, were doubled up with laughter when we saw them busy with their carnival masks.

They’ve got their vampire costumes on again, we would say. I don’t think the torturers got much pleasure out of it. They preferred to be completely naked rather than going round in latex costumes. The only aim of these rituals was to totally disorient the victims. They plagued these kids with a load of nonsense – Now you are the wife of Satan… and also gave them coke, LSD or heroin.

I can assure you that after that you feel completely outside the real world. That was the aim that the victim herself should begin to doubt the fact that all this had really happened. The result was that the victims didn’t dare speak to anyone.” [9]

In 2000, following years of ridicule and hostility from the press and Establishment, Ms. Louf gave a speech before the UN Committee on Human Rights in Geneva on behalf of The Non-Violent Radical Party a Non-Governmental peace movement which took on her case and supported her cause. [10] This speech was received just before the UN’s own sex abuse scandals erupted into full public view. Consequently, it must be viewed as one of the most prescient lectures ever given to an audience of “movers, shakers and abusers” on behalf of the victims that likely harboured many of the predators to whom Louf was referring. (See below for speech).

Curiously, according to parents of Melissa Russo, no new evidence was added to the Dutroux file as soon as witnesses began to come forward. Even today, 26 people still remain unidentified after being linked to 5,000 hairs found in Dutroux’s dank cellar. [11] This was also during the time when Judge Connerotte was sacked and most telling of all, when a special team of police officers led by top National Gendarmerie officer Patriek De Baets were assigned to interview Regina Louf and other “X” witnesses leading to their eventual dismissal. This was due to allegations of evidence manipulation which the authorities believed was intended to make Louf a more credible witness. The police in question strongly denied this, nor has any proof to these allegations come to light. [12]

After two separate internal inquires coming to a close in June 26, 2000 they were cleared of every charge concerning the manipulation of Louf’s testimony. Although now formerly exonerated but with his career in ruins, the former Chief of Police Patriek De Baets is still coping with a barrage of accusations for which he has no explanation.

Despite a group of independent psychologists affirming that Louf was of sound mind and that much of her account can be proven, the Prosecutor General of Liège, Anne Thilly was wheeled out to counteract the possibility that Louf would stand trial. Sure enough, the judges refused to call her to the witness stand making sure her testimony would not be heard at any future trial. On a par with the propaganda level that America’s Murdoch-owned Fox News attains so frequently, the government-owned TV station RTBF began a campaign designed to discredit Regina Louf after her name was leaked to the media. Not only did RTBF attack Louf’s credibility but set out to instil in the minds of the angry Belgian public that Dutroux was an “isolated pervert” that there was no network, that Jean Michel Nihoul – of all people – was innocent. Louf became a liar in the popular press and her reputation remains in tatters to this day, even though the facts she and other witnesses described stand up to intense scrutiny.

***

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Regina Louf’s speech before the UN Committee on Human Rights in Geneva – 12.04.2000


My name is Regina Louf and I speak on behalf of the Transnational Radical Party First of all I would like to thank the special reporteur Ms Ofelia Calceta-Santos for her fine report that reflects for the first time some aspects of forced child prostitution in Belgium and The Netherlands.

We have the right not to be believed as we talk about sexual abuse, in group and organised in Europe.

We have the right to see how the press, politicians and our justice system laughs about our testimony. How they twist our words and make our testimony ridiculous. We have the right to see how the lawyers of the abusers are assisted by incompetent judges, burned out police officers and psychiatrists who just like to prove that children are easily lying.

We have the right to be silent and to be happy because we – the children of Europe – have food and education. The abuse and terror, neglecting and sexual abuse is hidden well behind the walls of our homes and our country.

We have the right to realise, although we have testified, our abusers can live again in our home, our street or neighbourhood. They are not punished because they are intelligent, successful adults and we are treated as children with an overdose of imagination.

We have the right to see our pornographic photographs, taken by our abusers, published on the internet, all around the world, without a proper system to punish the ones who put it there – because the governments of Europe neglect the problem.

We have the right to laugh and look normal, because otherwise the abusers torture our sister, friends or animals. If we alarm somebody, so they say, we will be responsible for their torture and punishment. So we believe them, because we experienced the reality of their threats.

We have the right to suffer invisibly and isolated in a war that only exists in the Philippines – where child prostitution is wide on the open.

According to our politicians and justice system child prostitution is not visible – so not existing at all.

We have the right to have no rights at all, because we have to survive under the threat of our intelligent and well adapted abusers – and if we have the courage to speak, no one helps us to protect us from our abusers.

We have the right not to be heard by the judges in a courtroom. Children have no voice at all in our justice system.

We have the right to feel guilty, because we didn’t have the power to help other victims. They – from generation to generation – have no voice in the western society. Only the normal children, supported by their normal family have the chance to speak out and are shown to the world.

We have the right to be confronted with little mistakes we made, like the colour of the car we were drove by night, when we get to a sex party. If we make one mistake, the police, judges and lawyers found our testimony worthless.

We have the right to see the abusers can start all over again, how they are re-honoured or get free therapy – while we have to suffer and pay our therapy without any chance for recognition.

We have the right to be treated with no respect for ourselves, our testimony and our trauma’s, just like the way our judges and politicians treat child abuse, pornography and prostitution, as non-existing, wild story’s.

Urban legends. These are the rights that children of sex rings get in Belgium and Europe. Sometimes we see our abusers on television, just denying the fact that they abuse children in any way. Sometimes we see and prove our police officers even falsify our testimony to show that sex rings don’t exist and survivors only want attention.

Fact: one in eight girls is sexually abused – one in ten boys is sexually abused. And even when my pimp admitted to the police his crimes against me – during the age of twelve till sixteen – one justice officer told the press in my country that I was the one to blame: Because I had at twelve years old, almost a full grown and female body – and I was in love with the man who prostituted me.

My testimony is now used in Belgium to repress all other victims of organised child abuse.

Thank you Mister Chairman.

 


 

Notes
[1] ‘Defence raise satanic cult’ News24, March 03, 2004.
[2] From the historical evidence regarding satanic abuse it appears to operate in terms of the tried and tested method of pyramidal control, much like any corporate system of hierarchical productivity. On the lower tiers are the ritualistic pop-culture manifestations for the masses. These occultists are used to act as a supply of pasties to take the heat from the core networks operating at a much higher deeper levels of the military-Industrial complex; a core stratum of institutionalised abuse which is protected by every possible avenue of leakage. As such, Satanism is a highly useful method of obfuscation and distortion. When proven cases of satanic abuse have occurred, they have often been independent groupings separated from any organized and systematic rings. There are also those branches which have sprouted from the more formalised crime ring or network of porn, prostitution, and sexual slavery, which in turn have connections to the high-level elitist and generational groupings of satanic worship under a variety of tastes and flavours. However, our perceptions of Satanism as fed to us by the popular press has largely acted as a smokescreen, creating deflections from the true sources of a very real brand of Existential Satanic ritual that is far more sophisticated and without the parlour games and pantomime costumes so enamoured of the lower tiers.
[3] The Times, by Peter Conradi, 1997.
[4] Sunday Express, January 12, 1997.
[6] Ibid.
[7] ‘Belgium’s silent heart of darkness’ By Olenka Frenkiel, The Observer, May 5, 2002.
[8] ‘Belgium’s silent heart of darkness:  Waiting for justice’ Olenka Frenkiel, BBC News, Sunday May 5, 2002.
[9] ‘Dutroux and  Nihoul suspected  of the murder of Christine Van Hees in 1984’ By Annemie Bulté and Douglas De Coninck De Morgen, X1: Pour la Veritie, Radical Party, 7 January 1997.
[11] ‘The parents – Gino and Carine Russo’ BBC News, 2 May, 2002.
[12] Ibid.

The Eurocrats and Marc Dutroux II: A Judge, A King, a Psychopath and his Lover

“The truth is that those journalists who tell the story complain that they have been harassed, sacked, threatened and many say they have been forced to stop reporting on this issue to continue working.’ As one senior Belgian said to me citing these examples ‘You must not underestimate how bad Belgian justice is.’” 

– BBC Journalist, Olenka Frenkiel


On June 17, 2004, Marc Dutroux, a long-standing criminal and low-level police informant, was given a life sentence for supposedly “leading a gang” that kidnapped and raped six girls in the mid-1990s, resulting in the deaths of four. His links to a sex and crime ring led to other arrests including his wife Michelle Martin an elementary school teacher who was sentenced to 30 years in prison for kidnapping and rape (though she has since been paroled after serving 16 years). Co-accused Michel Lelièvre a petty thief and drug addict received 25 years for kidnapping and drug-dealing. Jean Michel Nihoul however, known for his penchant for organising orgies at a local chateau with high society links and a long history of assorted criminality, was jailed for only five years for drug-dealing and several counts of fraud. His lover, Marleen De Cockere was also arrested and charged with conspiracy.

After an enormous public out-cry over the murders, Belgium’s Prime Minister Jean-Luc Dehaene finally began to make the right noises. All of a sudden, the government professed its dedication to the cause of reform in the justice and police systems, particularly regarding parole criteria for those convicted of child sex offences after decades of denial and disinterest. The Royalty, most notably King Albert, conveniently jumped on the bandwagon and vocally called for further immediate reforms. However, in 2001 the publication of The Paedophile Dossierthe Scandal of the Dutroux Case [1] gave the Brussels palace virtual apoplexy regarding what they viewed as “grotesque” deformations against the unblemished character of the king. The next Belgian Prime Minister, Guy Verhofstadt, described it as “an unacceptable assault on the dignity of our nation and its people.” [2]

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Marc Dutroux

The book suggested that Albert attended sex parties in the 1970s and 1980s where children were routinely abused. The Luxembourg-based investigative journalist Jean Nicolas, who co-authored the book, said he made no accusations against King Albert, but merely published legal documents written by a Belgian judge. However, the palace grievances were upheld in the Belgian courts and a formal denial was to be included in all future copies. Nevertheless, Albert had a record that was not the cleanest public image for a King, though sadly common place for historical royalty who remain above the law.

In the 1970s, then still the Crown Prince, he was implicated in a sex affair involving the bribery of Saudi officials. The Belgian government also sought to have their own addendum regarding the handling of the affair but the judge reminded them that this was political issue, thus did not come under the court’s jurisdiction (which is bizarre in itself). However, at this late stage it was a case of too little far too late, especially when the rumours of institutionalised sexual abuse and a wider network of child rape had still not been satisfactorily investigated.

The conclusion of Dutroux’s eight year trial was preceeded by numerous postponements, delays and suspicious stone-walling. There was also evidence of extraordinary negligence from the police and government officials involved in the investigation, several police officers having been detained and questioned over the scandal. Resignations and dismissals followed, as well as one of the largest peacetime demonstrations ever seen by the Belgian public, furious at what they considered to be, at best, ineptitude and at worst, a cover-up which extended right to the heart of Belgian royalty.

The reason that the trial was said to have taken so long was due to the persistent rumours that a child sex ring was in operation and the investigations that followed. In fact, the exact opposite was the case. No such investigations took place and the length of the trial was largely due to the obstructions and delays from police and justice officials. In the final month, Dutroux’s lawyer “sensationally called for the suspension of the trial to give investigators time to confirm the existence of such a child sex ring.” [3]

After a few days, the request was rejected by the judge and the verdict was handed down on the June 17, 2004.

Not one week after the sentencing of Dutroux a French forestry worker, Michel Fourniret, confessed to killing six girls in Belgium and France from 1987 to 2001, suggesting yet more evidence of police ineptitude or purposeful apathy regarding child abduction. [4] Only several months after the arrest of Dutroux was yet another child molester found after the discovery of the body of Loubna Benaissa, who was 9 when she disappeared in August 1992. She was found in a trunk in the basement of one Patrick Derochette who was charged with murder along with three members of his family. [5]

Just what was going on in the heart of Belgium?

Marc Dutroux – from petty criminal to procurer of children

Having settled with his family in the Belgian province of Charleroi and unable to obtain work, Marc Dutroux, gradually sank into petty crime making a mediocre living from trading stolen cars in Poland and Slovakia. He graduated to selling young girls into prostitution throughout Europe beginning in the late eighties and early nineties. As he began to explore and exercise his criminal tendencies, Dutroux was arrested in 1989 for the rape and abuse of five young girls. Nevertheless, his luck was in and as a product of Belgium’s curious laws which were more than flexible regarding child abuse at the time, he and many convicted paedophiles were able to walk free by 1992. The law only tightened up when the full scale of the death and abuse came to light upon his arrest in 1996. By then, many girls had gone missing in the vicinity of Dutroux’s two homes.

The magnitude of the “incompetence” of police investigation into the crimes slowly became known over the seven year period from his arrest to his sentence. These included warnings to the police from Dutroux’s own mother regarding possible kidnapping of girls in one of her son’s houses, to overlooking basic police investigative protocol by ignoring informants’ information which later proved accurate and which led to the loss of vital clues. Finally, an eyewitness managed to record the number plate of a suspicious car in the area where the girls went missing and Marc Dutroux was arrested on August 15 1996 and subsequently charged with the murder of four girls.

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Julie LeJeune and Melissa Russo on the cover of Time Magazine

Two girls, Laetitia Delhez, aged 12, and Sabine Dardenne, aged 14 were found alive but the others were not so lucky. Tales of torture, rape, pornographic filming and a general litany of sexual abuse took place in a secret dungeon in the basement of one of Dutroux’s houses. Julie Lejeune and Melissa Russo were two other eight year old victims who were plucked off the street, in June of 1995 drugged, repeatedly raped and subsequently allowed to starve to death. According to Dutroux, his accomplice in the kidnappings, Bernard Weinstein forgot to feed the children while he was incarcerated for another crime involving car theft. He later confessed to killing Weinstein in a fit of rage by drugging and burying him alive next to the bodies of Russo and Lejeune. The police refused to hunt for the girls at the time even though Dutroux was known as a prime suspect. Nor did they search Dutroux’s house for five months. When a search was finally organized, they found nothing, despite reports of children’s voices in the cellar.

Further known victims were An Marchal, aged 19, and Eefje Lambreks, aged 17, who were found at another house owned by Dutroux, several weeks after the discovery of Russo and Lejeune. Dutroux and accomplice Michel Lelievre admitted kidnapping two other girls who had gone missing at a Belgian resort in Ostend one year earlier.

The general resistance and clear obstruction of the authorities extended over several years until the Belgian public were convinced that a massive operation had been in place to protect politicians and officials in high places who had been connected to the child sexual abuse ring. They also believed that the government, police and courts were all involved in the cover-up.

Dutroux was dubbed a “perfect psychopath.” He revelled in the media circus and the audience attention in court and frequently displayed self-pity ploys and almost comical delusions of grandeur so typical of psychopathy. Dutroux stated he was not a paedophile as commonly believed and experts agreed with him: ‘The age of the victims did not seem to arouse in him any given effect or to play a particular role, beyond allowing him to kidnap them, to manipulate them, to confine them,’ said the report. What Dutroux relished was total power over people … Dutroux himself cited the injustice of being denied ice creams at the beach as evidence of emotional privation …” [6]

240215-300-206-scaleThis gave credence to his insistence that he was not in it for reasons of paedophilia but rather as a psychopathic opportunist, seeking power over others and the resulting gratification and kudos that went with it.  Rape of his victims and the murder of his partner he admitted to, but was he guilty of the specific accusations levelled at him?  According to comments reported by Flemish-language television station VTM, Dutroux had claimed in a secret interview in his cell that he “…was in regular contact with people belonging to that network. But the justice system doesn’t want to investigate this lead.” And further: “People want to believe that I am at the centre of everything. They are mistaken,”… I did things of which I was not the driving force. I was used as an instrument by others, who were themselves used as instruments by others.” [7]

The official position in most of the Belgian press, police and the government regarding the inordinate length of time to bring Dutroux to trial was due to the “conspiracy theories” which forced investigators to search for child rape networks which they claim, didn’t exist. But parents of the victims and much of the shocked Belgian public who were watching very closely knew this was far from the truth. In fact, a proper investigation was obstructed at every turn.

After the trial revealed unforgivable incompetence from police and the criminal Justice system in general, it begs the question was this “bungling” purposeful? Was it designed to delay and give time to paper over the cracks in the alleged network beyond Charleroi and Belgium as so many believed?  Dutroux had even claimed that two police officers had helped Lelievre and himself to kidnap Marchal, and Lambreks who were later raped and murdered. The common knowledge that several government officials, police officers, and a former European Commissioner frequently attended Nihoul’s orgies at Neufchâteau chateau gave further credibility to the idea that the accused was not acting alone.

According to journalist Yves Desmet who later appeared on television with Paul Marchall the father of victim An Marchall, the “… incompetence of the police investigation was staggering. When an associate of Dutroux actually went to them and told them all about this place – the fact there was a dungeon and exactly what Dutroux intended to do there – they did absolutely nothing.” [8] When the police finally knocked on Dutroux’s door years later and heard the sounds of children calling, still no questions were asked.

The emergence of suspicion and the intense distrust from the Belgian public closely following the trial and arrest continued to boil in the background. What made matters worse was the fact that the presiding Judge Van Espen was found to have had a business relationship with key suspect in the crimes Jean Michel Nihoul and his wife. It was only when this connection was discovered by a Belgian journalist that the Judge reluctantly thought to excuse himself. This serious conflict of interest was apparently no cause for concern. Prior to his resignation he had ordered the police to stay away from the case, as well as presiding over endless delays, blocks and buried evidence.

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Judge Jean-Marc Connerotte, 2004

Judge Jean-Marc Connerotte became the replacement. Here was a judge who was highly knowledgeable on Dutroux and his criminal history having personally gathered a great deal of evidence on the accused and his connection to the child rape ring. More importantly for the public confidence, the Judge had also personally rescued two of the girls from the dungeon under Dutroux’s home. Known for his integrity and competence Connerotte appeared to be the perfect candidate for the position. Nonetheless, he was eventually dismissed from the case, the official reason was a perceived conflict in the Judge’s ability to be impartial due to his attendance at a fund raising dinner in aid of missing children. This flimsy reasoning was seen by many as a desperate bid to get rid of a highly capable and dedicated Judge in order that investigations didn’t go too far into a considerable den of crime and corruption and which would further rock the foundations of an already compromised Belgian government.

From the nature of the daily threats he had to endure, it was inevitable that Connerotte would never have completed his time on the case. Prior to his removal, Connerotte said he had become “the object and the victim of a campaign of defamation and misinformation at the hands of certain sectors of the media,” due primarily to the fact that he had handled two files: “Titres” [or stolen goods] and “Cools” [referring to Andre Cools Belgian politician assassinated in 1991]. He had been charged with the task of investigating “certain persons and certain criminal activities that seem[ed] to benefit from high-level protection.” [9] *

As a formal complaint regarding his treatment, he sent a letter to King Albert II in 1996 detailing the corruption within the Belgium justice system and its institutional subservience to a criminal underworld or mafia. He singled out for particular attention one Detective Superintendent R. Brose in Liège, “the very man responsible for the Cools unit …” for which the Magistrate was working and which therefore, led to the realization that the Liège CID, far from working with him to bring those responsible to justice, were in fact, seeking to undermine his position. His role thus became untenable, where no progress could reasonably be made due to a “Judiciary dysfunction” which turned into a: “… veritable ‘institution’ whose smooth running assures the legitimacy of certain criminal activities and the impunity of those responsible.”

Judge Connerotte continued in his letter:

“This institution seems to acquire its authority and supremacy over sectors of the justice system by relying on a complex and secret modus operandi, that of the appropriation of certain key circuits of our institutions created and regulated by the Law. It is a matter essentially of political, financial, police, and media circuits. This mafia-style criminal phenomenon is evidently not peculiar to Belgium, but it involves particular manifestations that are well suited to this small country. We can imagine the obstacles that a judiciary inquiry will meet when investigating such facts: numerous taboos, problems of mentality, and a lack of cultural reference on the issue in order to be able to become aware of or deal with such criminal phenomena, taking advantage in Belgium of official reticence in terms of their acknowledgement, which favours or supports their occultation.

The function of a criminal system of this sort is obviously to serve its fundamental purpose, the pursuance of particularly profitable illicit activities, such as money-laundering, and to protect the ‘legitimacy’ of its activities and the impunity of its agents. This indispensable function corresponds to the motive of criminal protection that assures the permanency of the incriminated system by means of the infiltration of the certain circuits of our institutions, especially the police force, a veritable ‘knot’ which my whole investigation has come up against. [10] [Emphasis mine]

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King Albert II of Belgium Unjustly maligned or a glimpse behind the curtain?

This description comes as close as you will find as to the nature of much of the European law, judiciary and police which is enmeshed in a criminal underworld. In the letter, Connerotte was particularly scathing of the Belgian media which seemed to be working in concert with Liège CID using “simplistic images verging on caricature, and to present the Neufchâteau investigators and magistrates as incompetent, grotesque and dishonest figures following an improbable trail on the basis of an empty file… the cruder it is, the better it works.” If indeed a child-sex mafia was targeting a respected Judge this more than lent credence to Dutroux’s insistence that the same forces were in control. Connerotte testified that the investigation was seriously hampered by protection of suspects by people in the government. “Rarely … has so much energy been spent opposing an inquiry.”

When the judge was allowed to testify in March 2004 The Telegraph reported that he described: “… the bullet-proof vehicles and armed guards needed to protect him against the shadowy figures determined to stop the full truth coming out. Never before in Belgium has an investigating judge at the service of the kind been subjected to such pressure. We were told by police that [murder] contracts had been taken out against the magistrates.” [11]

Long before the trial began on March 1st, 2004, in the town of Arlon, Dutroux had told the media that he was just a pawn in a network of paedophiles and Michel Nihoul was the brains behind the network. Even the prosecutor, Michel Bourlet, agreed that it was likely Dutroux was not an “isolated predator” and that both he, Nihoul, Lelievre and Michelle Martin were part of a network. However, he fell short of implying that the network extended beyond the confines of the group itself and into a mafia-controlled child porn network with ties to the European and American Establishment even though the rumours had been circulating since the arrest of Dutroux seven years before.

 


* In July 18, 1991, Belgian politician André Cools who had been investigating the murder of arms dealer Gerald Bull a year earlier became the next high profile assassination. Two Tunisian men who carried out the murder were thought to have been employed by a Gladio group which in turn led back to the CIA and MOSSAD. André Cools had not only met and interviewed MOSSAD agent and corporate big-wig Shaul Eisenberg as part of his investigations into the case, but the Iraqi banker Abdullah Zilka. Foolishly, he announced that he would shortly be providing evidence on Belgian, Canadian and American corruption in the arms industry, the latter of which extended to some very elevated names within the British arms industry and the Bush Administration including Dick Cheney, Neil Bush, Donald Rumsfeld and certainly the elusive and enigmatic Frank Carlucci. His interviews with the two men were never published. Jean-Marc Connerotte, the Belgian judge presiding over the murder case issued arrest warrants for mafia bosses connected to Toto Riina, the head of the Italian mafia. He soon found himself dismissed from the Cools murder case before he could issue indictments on leading politicians. His removal was to be repeated several years later in the Dutroux case, when another similar list of high-profile names would appear, only to disappear into the night from whence they came. Alain Van der Biest, and a one-time political ally of Andre Cools and a shareholder in Poudrieres Reunies de Belgique, along with several associates, was accused of the murder by an anonymous informer. By March 2002, while waiting to hear if he would go on trial in connection with the murder, Van der Biest was found dead from a “drug overdose” and with a suicide letter to his wife. In October 2003 only five of the nine accused stood trial, the others choosing to remain in various countries in Europe rather than to take the rap. It is not hard to see why.

Finally, by January 2004 two had been acquitted and six men sentenced to 20 years in prison. They included his former aide, Richard Taxquet, chauffeur Giuseppe di Mauro, and two men tried in their absence, Cosimo Solazzo, Domenico Castellino. A “former aide” and his “chauffeur” with Italian mafia connections. Hardly a resounding victory.

André Cool’s murder had thrown the Walloon socialist party into chaos and the subsequent investigation revealed not only several minor league sexual scandals but the payment of more than £2 Billion in bribes made by French aerospace manufacturer Dassault and Italian helicopter firm Agusta to secure equipment orders from the Belgian armed forces, via socialist politicians. This bought down the Belgian Secretary-General to NATO and certainly put the spotlight on Belgian weapons manufacturing and the vested interests involved. But has anything changed? As in the Dutroux case, those on the outer ring of corruption took the rap and those who had a little more pertinent information were taken care of. And thus the world of arms, sexploitation and paedophilia continues to spin.

As we have explored, the manufactured nature of Belgium not dissimilar to Israel (though less bloody) it is obvious that Brussels and all its military agencies enjoys a disproportionate amount of power within the European Union. The 1970s and 1980s was particularly favourable for the development of institutional corruption. After the decision to set up the European headquarters of NATO otherwise known as Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) the CIA – along with the stay behind Gladio network – became concerned by the geo-political “prostitution” of Belgium to all and sundry, including Soviet spies. Gladio has all but been merged into the Zionist mafia consortiums that sub-contract assassins and various brokers within their respective fields. With the collapse of the USSR the underworld is flowing freely into the Balkans; into Belgian’s military-industrial Establishment and fanning out across Europe. It seems that Brussels is a nexus or crossroads in the transferring and brokering of a major number of shadowy deals which extend far beyond the daily abuse of market capitalism. Israel’s MOSSAD and its extensive networks of Zionist sayanim are central to this trade.

 


Notes

[1] Dossier de Pedophillie Le scandale de d’affaire de Dutroux Jean Nicolas, Frederic Lavachery, published by Flammarion, 2001.
[2] ‘Belgium defends king against ‘assault’’ BBC News, 18 September, 2001.
[3] ‘Belgium’s trial of shame’ By Alexandra Fouché, BBC News, 17 June, 2004.
[4] New Allegations of Murders Of Young Girls’ By Craig S. Smith, New York Times, July 1, 2004: “The Frenchman, Michel Fourniret, was arrested in Belgium a year ago after a girl he is accused of trying to kidnap got away and led the police to him. He has been in custody since and is now believed to be responsible for the deaths of as many as a dozen girls, prosecutors say. Mr. Fourniret, 62, had previously served a prison sentence for raping children, and his confession is likely to reopen a debate over the competence of the Belgian police in pursuing cases of missing children.”
[5] ‘Belgian Molester Charged In Death of Missing Girl’ The Telegraph, March 8, 1997.
[6] ‘Accused ‘not a classic paedophile,’ The Irish Examiner, March 02, 2004.
[7] ‘Media condemns Dutroux senator’ BBC News, Tuesday, 22 January, 2002,
[8] ‘Dutroux charged with notorious crime’ Australian Broadcasting Corporation TV program transcript: Broadcast: 01/03/2004 Reporter: Philip Williams, with Paul Marchall, Yves Desnet.
[9]  Letter from Magistrate J.M. Connerotte to King Albert II (in André Rogge, les Egoûts du Royaume, Albin Michel, 1996).
[10] Ibid.
[11]  ‘Pedophile case judge breaks down in court’ By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, The Telegraph, March 6, 2004.

The Old Boys’ Club III: The Dunblane Massacre and Freemason Speculation

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Thomas Hamilton

Yet another tragedy made worse by a botched investigation and countless unanswered questions was the Dunblane school massacre on March 13 1996. More allegations of serial paedophilia, and masonic interference were present, the flames of which were continuously fanned on the internet and in the tabloids. This time, the Scottish Establishment was under the microscope focusing on two senior politicians and a lawyer.

Not known for its whistle-blowing of secret societies or Old Boys Clubs, a report courtesy of the Daily Telegraph drew attention to the fact that Thomas Hamilton, who shot and murdered 16 children and their teacher: “… was a major provider of pornographic photographs and videos to a ring of men prominent in Central Scotland, including police officers who protected him from numerous allegations of physical abuse at boys’ camps and clubs he ran.” And with startling regularity in such cases: ‘They protected themselves after the massacre which conveniently ended in his suicide’.  Last year on-the-scene paramedic Sandra Uttley’s former partner, Mick North, whose five-year-old daughter Sophie was killed, initially said he was ‘convinced’ of a cover-up. Detective Chief Superintendent John Ogg, who headed the Dunblane investigation, has said of criticism in the past: ‘I can reassure you that the investigation was absolutely thorough and we covered every angle’. [1]

Given the record of the police investigating paedophile rings, and Establishment crimes this “reassurance” was hardly convincing. Enter senior member of the Scottish Judiciary Baron Cullen of Whitekirk, East Lothian, otherwise known as Lord Cullen who was conveniently chosen to chair an inquiry into the many issues surrounding the tragedy. One of the questions first posed included how it was that Hamilton had been able to secure a firearms certificate while having a history of paedophilia and mental instability.

3395320896Lord Cullen

After years of stone-walling, bureaucratic delays and an initial hue and cry from a few media tabloids which added to the rumours of conspiratorial machinations, a 100 year old secrecy rule which had been imposed on some documents seen by the inquiry was finally overturned in October 2005, close to ten years after the tragedy. Almost 3,000 letters and reports were finally open to inspection. The crown office claimed the decision to impose the rule was made to protect the identity of children who may have been abused by Hamilton, and their families, yet many of the documents had nothing to do with children nor was it seen as a genuine reason to withhold vital information to the public when a simple “black marker” approach would have been sufficient. What amounted to an effective gagging order was underscored by the Lord Advocate’s words from March 2003: “There is no statutory basis for the closure of records created by Scottish public bodies.”[2]  It seems Scottish law is not tied by the 30 year closure limit existing in England.

One report which was under the 100-year rule umbrella ban was compiled by Paul Hughes, then a detective sergeant with Central Scotland police. The detective’s investigations into Hamilton’s activities at a summer camp in Loch Lomond in 1991 took place five years before the shootings and further strengthened general accusations of police inaction and complacency. The report further “… recommended that Hamilton should be prosecuted for his activities at the summer camp and that he should have his gun licence revoked.” [3] Although Lord Cullen referred to it in his inquiry it was largely ignored and did not feature in the index or appendices to his final report.

In 1998 Lord Burton asked a House of Commons Parliamentary inquiry on the issue: “… whether they will place in the Library of the House a copy of the Report by Sergeant, now Inspector, Hughes, of Central Police, into Thomas Hamilton; to list all the charges to which he recommended consideration for prosecution and whether they will state why the Report is not listed in the index or appendix to Lord Cullen’s Report into the Dunblane tragedy.” [4]  Under Secretary of State to the Scottish Office, Lord Sewel, only made matters worse by responding in rather diluted terms. He failed to answer the above questions posed by Lord Burton and merely reiterated past statements with no explanations. A general unease and suspicion as to why a ban was imposed continued to grow. (We will return to Lord Burton shortly).

Sandra Uttley, the paramedic who dealt with the aftermath of the Dunblane massacre went to the European Court of Human Rights to demand a new inquiry into the tragedy. “There are glaring anomalies in the inquiry, inconsistencies in witness testimony,” she said, “incorrect information given on oath and the absence of vital witnesses.” [5] Her partner Mick North also fought for the right to access essential documents for the sake of the public’s right to know and for his daughter Sophie whom he lost in the massacre. However, once more documents became available, he stated: “I do realise that some might feel I’ve fallen hook, line and sinker for the official version of events. […] I realise that some questions do remain, but I am satisfied that nothing untoward contributed to that. There seems little point in continuing to bang our heads off a brick wall. It is time to put the matter to rest.” [6]

No evidence of paedophilia rings was present in the documents according to North. Such a position is understandable from a parent who has lost his child in such a horrific way. However, it is surely naive to assume that putting “the matter to rest” when unanswered questions still remain, is somehow allowing justice to be done. Indeed, justice appears to have been done with the lifting of the ban and other questions having been answered, but this fails to allay the concerns raised about information that was not addressed in the inquiry and remains pertinent to this day.

The Key reports originally sealed and now made public included:

  • ‘comparative analysis of Thomas Hamilton’ by Central Scotland Police;
  • Information about Hamilton’s ‘use and possession of firearms,’
  • pathology reports,
  • Hamilton’s autopsy report, and analysis by Glasgow University’s forensic science lab on blood, urine and liver samples from Hamilton’s body;
  • details on firearms licensing policies;
  • a review by Alfred Vannet, regional procurator fiscal of Grampian, Highland and Islands, of ‘reports and information in respect of Thomas Hamilton submitted to the procurator fiscals of Dumbarton and Stirling by Strathclyde Police and Central Police;
  • a psychological report on Hamilton;
  • guidance from the British Medical Association on granting firearms licences;
  • transcript of and correspondence relating to answering-machine tape which accidentally recorded conversation between police officers at the scene of the Dunblane incident;
  • correspondence and witness statements ‘relating to allegations of sexual abuse made against Hamilton.’ [7]

This is an extensive set of documents that would leave most of us satisfied. The final judgment of the report attributed blame to serious police flaws and apathy on the part of the courts. Yet, the findings proved that witness statements and prior investigations concerning Hamilton’s increasingly deviant behaviour were ignored. Even as far back as 1988, 1991, 1992 and 1993 complaints were made about Hamilton’s youth camps and detectives investigated. On each occasion no action was taken by prosecutors.

Forewarnings of an impending tragedy were raised a full year before in a letter from the Children’s Reporter to Fife Regional Council and Fife Constabulary after another incident where two boys ran away from one of Hamilton’s summer camps. The letter read: “I feel that the events of 29.6.92 in Dunblane in a sense serve as a warning. If the kind of circumstances as described are allowed to continue without some kind of intervention, I consider that other children may be placed at risk. In like situations arising unchecked I fear that a tragedy to a child or children is almost waiting to happen.” [8]  The police had prior warnings from children, parents and associates over nine years before concerning Hamilton’s preoccupation with firearms, his mental instability and at the very least, his obvious  paedophilia. Social workers also failed to follow up on these consistent reports.

Why is it that the same exact pattern is revealed after each glimpse into paedophile rings?

As in other cases of a similar nature where a slice of reality that was ordinarily hidden from the public is finally seen, blaming it on simple incompetence and shoddy work on the part of police and social services is not enough. There was widespread inaction and gross negligence following the line of damage limitation by courts and police. The presence of widespread paedophile activity in government, law and police – not forgetting large sections of Hamilton’s history – was omitted from the inquiry. As a result, there is was and is no reason to assume that organised child abuse has suddenly disappeared from the Establishment, and as recent events have clearly demonstrated.

freemasons

Are you wrinkling your nose at the prospect of alluding to freemasonic conspiracies? Understandably perhaps. But let’s remember that any institution that is secretive by nature is inevitably wide open to ponerisation. There is no need to indulge in woo-woo shadows under every stone. It is merely the nature of our societies to be hollowed out from inside by psychological pathogens, given half the chance. Once we are aware of that then “conspiracies” take on a different hue. Freemasonry is probably the oldest occult fraternity on earth, where codes of silence and secrecy include the clear assistance of its members outside the purview of the law. In relation to the Dunblane Massacre, the Freemasons’ role also required investigation, if only for achieving a balanced rendering of the law. This wasn’t to be. Yet, even if such an investigation were to have taken place, one could have predicted the results with 99.9% accuracy.

The lifting of the documents ban showed correspondence dated 11 April 1996, (less than a month after the shootings) between Lord Cullen and a member of the public whose name was concealed. A vocal petitioner raised the issue of freemasonry and the possibility of impartiality in the proceedings. William Burns thought that anyone involved in the inquiry who turned out to be a Freemason should be forced to resign including, Lord Cullen. The letter began: “It is in the public interest that Lord Cullen be asked if he is a Freemason, given the widely held view by the public that Thomas Hamilton’s Masonic affiliation was probably the reason that the Ombudsman overturned an earlier decision by Central Regional Council in 1983 to prevent Hamilton from running youth clubs, and that his Masonic affiliation probably facilitated his application for a gun licence.” The letter went on: “It is far too important to allow the Masonic implication to be whitewashed by furtive operations in the Freemasons, intent only in ‘diverting a discourse’ – a Masonic ruse – from the involvement of Freemasons and Freemasonry.” [9]

After consultation with Lord Cullen, a court staff, handwritten note was marked as a “verbal response” and dated 18 April. It said: “taken aback by the letter” and “not a Freemason, never has been”. [10] It seems rather odd that Lord Cullen would be “taken aback” by such a question in light of the following information.

From the same report an unnamed Grand Lodge of Scotland leader did not think Hamilton could have been a mason as, in his opinion, it “… would have come to light immediately after the Dunblane incident.” Either this man is hopelessly naive or he is choosing to rely on the same sanctity of the law that has consistently shown to be lacking in all prior cases of abuse. This led to a perfectly reasonable petition submitted by Thomas Minogue to the Scottish Parliament calling for “members of the Judiciary to declare and register membership of organisations such as the Freemasons, and for new members of the Judiciary to make a similar declaration. The Petition also calls for a register to record such interests and that this register be available to litigants on request.” [11]

Minogue affirmed the relevancy of his petition regarding the membership of freemasonry in the judiciary by drawing attention to clear impartiality which may exist from members sworn to secrecy. In other words, an Old Boys Club of the highest order. No action was taken following Minogue’s petition, nor were his requests addressed. It was also used as a referral petition erroneously based on the committee’s decision to ignore it entirely. Thus it was that William Burn’s petition in October of 2003 ran into similar difficulties.

After a series of letters sent by Burn to Cullen and which were sealed into the closure, he submitted the petition to the Public Petitions Committee of the Scottish Parliament regarding the Cullen Inquiry and the 100-year Closure Order where he presented a case that reinforced the possibility that there had been a cover-up with distinctly Masonic overtones. [12] However, this was given little media play due to so called defamation issues, though one is tempted to see that this may well have been other ruse to delay and obfuscate.

Burns proceeded to provide ample evidence of Cullen’s membership of “The Speculative Society” an offshoot of freemasonry formed by masons in the Canongate, Kilwinning lodge in Edinburgh. At the time of writing, members included not only Lord Cullen but a number of other judges, sheriffs and advocates. It was an issue that former Grand Lodge freemason Lord Burton also raised in his petition in the House of Commons which led to the Parliamentary inquiry in 1998. He was roundly bullied and threatened by other peers before and after his investigations due to his belief that information was suppressed by Cullen to protect high-profile legal figures.

The Speculative Society just happens to have Former NATO Secretary General Lord George Robertson as a member who enjoyed a peculiarly close personal relationship with Thomas Hamilton. After subsequently failing to sue the Sunday Herald for libel, though accepting a five figure some for slander, the media has kept Lord Robertson out of the spotlight.  It is noteworthy that Malcolm Rifkind, Foreign Secretary at the time, had a friend that was Chairman of his constituency party at Edinburgh Pentlands, Robert Bell. The party Chairman had allegedly “sold guns and ammunition to Thomas Hamilton only a few weeks before the Dunblane massacre, and it was reported he said he would sell him guns again.” [13]

What was important about Cullen’s involvement in a branch of freemasonry was not simply the fact he may have been  economical with the truth but the implications regarding Hamilton and his alleged “protection.” Some reports have affirmed that Hamilton himself had enrolled as a member of Garrowhill Freemasons Lodge (Lanarkshire Middle Ward) listed as: No. 1413, Garrowhill Drive, Garrowhill, Glasgow, in 1977, the same year he was granted a firearms certificate. Yet files connecting him to Freemasonry are alleged to have been destroyed after the atrocities on 13 March 1996. With no remaining evidence, they remain speculations. [14]

Further evidence of widespread paedophilia came from reports that allegations of physical and sexual abuse of pupils took place at Queen Victoria School Dunblane, between 1989 and 1992 which were not investigated or substantiated. The school is an expensive, high society, private institution for schoolchildren of the military services with the Duke of Edinburgh as its patron and Hamilton frequented the school on many occasions. Former housemaster Glenn Harrison, told a UK newspaper how he had “found Hamilton, 43, creeping around the dormitories at night. He said further: ‘I was one of the people who were making a fuss about Hamilton long before he killed those children, but no one wanted to listen.’  [15]

The report continued:

Glenn Harrison had kept dozens of files from pupils alleging bullying and abuse while he was at the QVS and wrote to parents warning of the dangers in 1991. It led to him being ousted from the school and just days before he left, police raided his home and confiscated the files. […]

‘Hamilton ran camps in the school grounds and he used the shooting range freely. He came and went as he pleased, almost as if he owned the place, and no one has ever tried to explain why he had such freedom. I am still haunted by the memory of picking up my newspaper on March 14 1996 and reading about what had occurred at Dunblane Primary School the day before. I just knew the killer had to be Thomas Hamilton. He should have been stopped.’

From previously confidential correspondence between William Burns and Harrison it was stated that: “QVS was a perfect cover for institutional physical and sexual abuse.   At first it was orphan boys. On and off, over decades, QVS has supplied children (with sealed lips) for abuse: “Where the carcass is, there the eagles gather.” They were accessible to “eagles” like top brass military, politicians, police officials, sheriffs, fiscals and successful business people in Perthshire. And fools like me could be squashed, swallowed up or sent to some island somewhere.  They all gather at the water hole.”  [16]

Harrison is now living in the remote Islands of Shetland.  He is an embittered man with no interest in pursuing the case any further, convinced that a masonic cover-up was at play.

The House of Commons Committee continued to dance around the issues raised by Burn’s and others’ petitions, though in part, with some considerable justification in that the evidence of concrete and provable links were missing. They were after all, according to Burns “embargoed” under the closure order. Once the closure was finally overturned in early 2005, Burn’s allegations of a masonic cover-up persisted.

The good news came in the form of the Freedom of Information Act that came into force on 1st January 2005. The bad news was that this provided only a partial answer to the question of the closed files. On orders from the Scottish Executive on October 3 2005 Lord Advocate Colin Boyd released only half of the secret documents but illegally refused to release the rest. To make matters worse Burns claims the files “were redacted to such an extent that they were largely illegible.” [17] The fact that a Lord Advocate refused to give up files and remains above the law is disturbing in itself, but there exist endless questions surrounding the Dunblane massacre that remain unanswered, primarily it seems, due to the intransigence of those in power, a faction of which may be sourced from the extraordinary omnipresence of freemasonry.

Sandra Uttley’s letters to Lord Cullen and Lord Advocate Colin Boyd pertaining to the suicide of Thomas Hamilton characteristically received no response. Uttley’s simple questions highlighted serious discrepancies which leads us to conclude that not only was something seriously miss in the inquiry as a whole, but at the crime scene itself, listed as follows:

  • Why there were serious contradictions in the way Hamilton was dressed at the scene suggesting that clothes were removed after his death and replaced with others?
  • Why was the off-duty police officer not called to give evidence especially after clear contradictions made by Cullen and those on the ground?
  • Did the Crown Office deliberately withhold this statement because it clearly stated [in the police officer witness statement] that the witness did not see a revolver, only 2 pistols?
  • Why did Hamilton only have one holster, not 4 as was originally claimed?
  • If Hamilton did not have a revolver with him, how was he able to kill himself with a Smith & Wesson revolver?
  • Did the Crown Office deliberately select the head teacher Ron Taylor to give evidence at the Inquiry, and not this police officer, because Ron Taylor didn’t know a pistol from a revolver?
  • Why did Mr. Taylor refer to 2 guns – rather than 4 as mentioned in the Cullen inquiry?
  • Why did the Janitor John Currie who found Hamilton’s body not mention 4 guns either?
  • Why were the CCTV sightings altered?
  • Who was driving a grey car at the scene of the crime which Boyd claims was Hamilton’s neighbour when witness statements contradict such claims? [18]

Many of the documents under the initial ban included the correspondence between George Robertson (who was bustled off into the post of tenth NATO Secretary General) to Michael Forsyth, who was then Secretary of State for Scotland. The letters focused on Hamilton and a ‘submission to Lord James Douglas Hamilton, MP, Minister of State at the Scottish Office, concerning government evidence to the Inquiry.’ [19]  It is evident to anyone paying attention that there is an unhealthy presence of freemasonry in police, civil service, military and government in general. It seems when members are threatened then they close ranks and protect their own. Just how far organised child abuse has infected  freemasonry one need only look at the glimpses of networks occurring across Western institutions.

While it is true that much of this occult fraternity may well be altruistic and well-meaning, the nature of its secrecy and influence over societies in Europe we must assume that a) there are at the very least, “bad apples” which deform the aims of freemasonry. Further, those paedophiles / psychopaths are attracted to the protective structure of freemasonry secrecy for which the finer points of freemasonic ritual and its occult beliefs are merely used as convenient cover; b) That the hierarchical structure of freemasonry itself is not only prone to abuse but is in fact, the essential core of its existence where only those who ascend the pyramidal tier systems know the truth, but by then it is too late. Or, it may be that only partial decay has set in from the edges to the centre. The latter hope is unlikely as the nature of ponerisation tends to infect its host from within and work its way out following the natural course of pathogenic “disease” the process of which can be a decade or hundreds of years depending on the entity in question. There is more than enough evidence to suggest that freemasonry as a whole went this way many moons ago.

When initiatory pieces of truth and wisdom are given to the elect based around an obvious elitism, these “pennies from heaven” can only foster imbalance and attract those for whom notions of power for powers sake and becomes the only reason for membership. Transparency from the higher levels must be forthcoming where the public good is valued more highly than the structure of freemasonry itself. If it is not, then proclamations of bettering human kind become increasingly insubstantial.

Although freemasons in Britain recently employed the services of a Public Relations (PR) company to repair their battered image stemming largely from their complete lack of transparency regarding the issue of paedophilia and protection, it will fail. No amount of PR can dissolve the very great blocks of distrust concerning secret societies of all shapes and forms. Though a full and thorough investigation of freemasonry is not within the remit of this book, it is clear that there are many decent and honest persons within its auspices. Unfortunately, as in the case of our governments and even charitable organisations, this does not preclude the ponerisation of the initial impetus behind the founding of a movement or grouping.

 


Notes

[1] ‘Dunblane killer in child sex ring’ by Fidelma Cook, Daily Telegraph, June 6, 2005.
[2] ‘Dunblane police reports released’ Scottish Executive, NewsOnline, 18 March 2003.
[3] ‘Call to lift veil of secrecy over Dunblane’ by Gerard Seenan, The Guardian, February 14, 2003.
[4] House of Lords Official Report Vol. 589 – No. 151 – 12 May, 1998.
[5] ‘Police, Dunblane killer in child sex ring’ by Fidelma Cook, Daily Telegraph, June 6, 2005.
[6] ‘Dunblane: files show police flaws’ by Marcello Mega, Scotland on Sunday, 2 October, 2005.
[7] ‘Dunblane secret documents contain letters by Tory and Labour ministers’ By Neil Mackay, Home Affairs Editor March 2003, Sunday Herald.
[8] ‘Revealed: the fatal failures behind Dunblane children’s massacre’ By Michael Howie The Scotsman, 4 October, 2005.
[9] ‘Question on Masonic links left Dunblane inquiry chief stunned’ by Michael Howie, The Scotsman, 5 Oct, 2005.
[10] Ibid.
[11] ‘Judiciary should declare membership of the Freemasons’ – Submissions to the Justice 2 Committee of the Scottish Parliament by Thomas Minogue, Petitioner. Petition to Scottish Parliament [PE 306] February 2003.
[12] Public Petitions Committee of the Scottish Parliament Cullen Inquiry (100-year Closure Order membership by the Scottish judiciary of the Freemasons, the Speculative Society) (PE652) Wednesday, 29 October 2003 Convenor Michael McMahon MSP Ms Jackie Baillie MSP, Helen Eadie MSP, Ms Linda Fabiani MSP, Carolyn Leckie MSP, John Farquhar Munro MSP, Mr John Scott MSP (Deputy Convener) Mike Watson MSP, Sandra White MSP.
[13] Edinburgh Evening News on 23 March 1996 / Public Petitions PE652.
[14] Regarding submission of Public Petitions PE652 & PE685 Support material submitted by William Burns to Bryan McConachie Public Petitions Team Support, Public Petitions Committee, 6 January 2004.
[15] ‘The Dunblane Massacre,’ by Marcello Mega, News of the World Investigates 28 December , 2003.
[16] The ex-housemaster Glenn Harrison’s synopsis of events as related to a journalist in 2003. Personal and in confidence to Davy R about QVS. “I am convinced it was a Masonic conspiracy, Ministry Of Defence (MoD), Her Majesty’s Shools Inspectorate (HMI), and Her Majesty’s Commissioners (HMCs), military top brass and others. The matter was a cover-up to protect people in high office in Government.” Article from William Burn’s website ‘Dublane abandoned.’ (no longer available on the internet).
[17] Ibid.
[18] ‘Lord Cullen refuses to comment’ Article from William Burn’s ‘Dunblane abandoned.’
[19] ‘Dunblane secret documents contain letters by Tory and Labour ministers’ Investigation: Scottish Herald, By Neil Mackay, 2002, March 2003.

The Old Boys’ Club II: Waterhouse and Whitewash

“There is no doubt about it now, from what we know, that she [Margaret Thatcher] turned a blind eye to people who were quite clearly paedophiles. That is absolutely clear.”

– Simon Danczuk MP for Rochdale, regarding the Westminster paedophile ring


Margaret Thatcher wasn’t the only one of course. She was simply a Prime Minister amongst many who toed the Establishment line in the same way that BBC executives chose to ignore the obvious to the point of complicity. As children were being abused right under her very nose she chose to place her trust in fear, money, prestige and power the very tools by which Official Culture stays on top. She acted as protector of evil and thus became its tool.

Let’s return to Richard Webster’s important book, briefly explored in the last post.

Trying to do the right thing in such a highly sensitive domain is fraught with insurmountable problems of a subjective and emotional nature, dealing as it does with the emotive question of child abuse. In one sense, Webster’s explorations are sorely needed, yet worryingly, for such a wide-ranging exploration of child care abuse – which he maintains is largely false – there were key elements and evidence that he did not include but were vital to the argument. It is clear that he knew of the information yet he chose to exclude it, suggesting clear bias on the part of the author.

Richard Scorer, of Partner, Pannone & Partners, a lawyers firm specialising in child abuse cases and who represented clients at the tribunal level, commented in a review: “I would put a stark health warning on the front of the book. This is a very unbalanced book, and in some instances Webster is economical with the facts.” He believes Webster’s bias in favour of those accused of child abuse may have: “… blunt[ed] his critical faculties and balanced assessment of the evidence.” He also maintained that the author “… excluded or downplayed information which contradicts his case” most particularly that the idea Peter Howarth was not a paedophile. According to Scorer, several of his witnesses had no interest in compensation and made no claims. They verified Howarth’s orientation as a paedophile by direct experience. Nor did they have contact with Alison Taylor the primary whistleblower.

Other witnesses provided similar statements but none of this evidence was mentioned in Webster’s research. Richard Scorer described his concerns thusly: “In the context of Webster’s argument this evidence is important, particularly because none of it has the features which Webster alleges contaminated the criminal prosecution of Howarth, i.e., the involvement of Alison Taylor and the so-called compensation motive. All three of these witnesses also defy Webster’s stereotype of the typical Bryn Estyn complainant as a drug-addled criminal (L is a successful businessman, C an advanced systems analyst and member of MENSA).”

Scorer raises the problem of severe bias in evaluating evidence which does not fit his line of inquiry and thus discarded:

“Webster is claiming to have demolished the case against Howarth, so you’d expect that he would have something to say about these allegations, particularly where, as in the case of my clients (and other Tribunal witnesses), the contaminating factors he claims to have identified elsewhere were absent. However Webster simply ignores this adverse evidence, and only mentions in passing at the very end of the book that there are, in fact, 30 other sets of allegations which he has neglected to consider. […] Who knows what other inconvenient details have been left out of the picture?” [1]

The portrayal of the whistleblower Alison Taylor as pathological appears to be disingenuous insofar as other players in the case are not given a similarly rigorous analysis; the individual members of the North Wales Police, for instance, being extremely deserving of further scrutiny. Taylor is deemed to be unstable and to have a financial axe to grind and no more.

The late Peter Howarth, jailed in 1994 for his part in the Bryn Estyn abuse scandal.

However, it was due to Taylor and her subsequent sacking that the abuse gradually came to light, though it was through Stephen Norris a self-confessed paedophile and home manager who once worked at Bryn Estyn, which finally got the investigative ball rolling. Quite apart from the fact that the Waterhouse inquiry, however toothless, proved the existence of a paedophile ring which targeted young boys, and concluded that whilst “the evidence does not establish that they were solely or mainly interested in persons in care … such youngsters were particularly vulnerable to their approaches”. [2] Yet in his 700 page book, Webster gave only a few lines to this salient fact.

Keeping in mind the central tenet of his claims, that Bryn Estyn was a witch hunt with no evidence of any cover-up or conspiracy, we would do well to remember that children at the home and other institutions were easily intimidated into silence. As with the many victims of Catholic Church’s paedophile priests and pederasts, it often took the passage of many years for the victims to have the courage of their convictions to admit it to themselves, let alone face a court trial. While the tragedy of some innocent men and women serving time for something they did not do seems beyond doubt, the sequence of events that led to this “witch hunt” does not necessarily mean that these were the only dynamics on display. And what of the overwhelming evidence of consistent child abuse at Bryn Estyn and beyond, which was ignored by the local Clwyd County Council because the council insurers advised against any action?

Webster, in his “forensic analysis” and blanket access to witness and police files, still neglected to include evidence provided by The Andy Sutton case. The full Public Interest Report by Andy Sutton can be found on the Freedom to Care internet website which detailed how key files were held back from the Waterhouse Enquiry by Flintshire County Council, who acted on behalf of North Wales Councils as a whole. Sutton was further warned not to pursue his inquiries by the then head of the North Wales Fraud Squad with the cryptic injunction to “beware of the Brotherhood.” [3] 

For all Webster’s excellent research, at no time does he seriously address the facts regarding freemasonic involvement in North Wales. Rather, he ironically falls into the very assumptions against which he rails and draws from the sensationalism of tabloid newspapers. A long list of names provided by the Crown Prosecution Service affirmed those who were not practicing freemasons were proof enough that no measure of control was operating. Yet surely, where high levels of masons do exist in both the law and the police force nationally, not forgetting the high membership in North Wales alone, is this not an area worthy of investigative digging? It does make one wonder if such denials of masonic influence, naturally bound by secrecy, can ever claim to be mere “observers.”

Impartiality of the law enforcement and judiciary will remain in these cases when so many freemasons are in positions to exert undue influence. Remember, Child molesters / psychopaths gravitate to places where they can be protected by those who are ostensibly serving the greater good.

The late investigative journalist Simon Regan in his now defunct Scallywag magazine made some investigations of his own that merit consideration.

Regan described how he had interviewed twelve young men, former inmates of Bryn Estyn who had all been involved in the Wrexham paedophile ring. The interviews were conducted in the informal setting of pub lunches with a view to obtaining sworn affidavits which were to be used as added clout for a series of paedophile articles Regan later published. Regan believed that two of the men who would have been 14 years old at the time were introduced on a few occasions to an abuser at a Pimlico address, the building of which they later identified:

“… turned out to be the private flat of a well-known, and since highly discredited lobbyist who later went into obscurity in some disgrace because of his involvement with Mohammed al-Fayed and the ‘cash for questions’ scandal. […] At the time we ran a story entitled ‘Boys for Questions’ and named several prominent members of the then Thatcher government. These allegations went to the very top of the Tory party, yet there was a curious and almost ominous lack of writs.

The lobbyist was a notorious ‘queen’ who specialised in gay parties with a ‘political mix’ in the Pimlico area – most convenient to the Commons – and which included selected flats in Dolphin Square. The two young men were able to give us very graphic descriptions of just what went on, including acts of buggery, and alleged that they were only two of many from children’s homes other than North Wales. There was, to my certain knowledge, at least one resignation from the Conservative office in Smith Square once we had published our evidence and named names. [4]

Regan also related how the deputy head of Research at Conservative party Central Office purchased the contents – including all files – of the Scallywag offices through a court order and the exploitation of a legal loophole in the renting conditions of the premises. During the court case however, Regan requested to see the purloined files and permission was granted in lieu of his defence. The paedophile documents were missing.  As Regan mentioned: “This is a very great shame, because Sir Ronald Waterhouse certainly should have been aware of them.” [5]


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Former Lib-Dem MP Cyril Smith (centre) in 1987 an alleged serial paedophile

“Fears of an establishment cover-up of sex abuse allegations have grown after claims that a special branch officer tried to prevent detectives from interviewing a man who alleged that a British MP abused children.”- Press TV.

(See: Politics of Entrapment I)


Like other cases where accusations of organised child abuse networks have occurred, the tribunal, under Sir Ronald Waterhouse QC, heard how more than a dozen people who had complained of abuse had met suspicious deaths. John Allen, a convicted paedophile, ran homes in London and North Wales that supplied children to wealthy outsiders. Two young brothers who were abused by Allen were trying to blackmail him. In April 1992 one of them died in a house fire in Brighton and the other was found dead soon afterwards in mysterious circumstances. This may be one reason Mr. Waterhouse imposed strict reporting restrictions which prevented any names entering the public domain, and quashed hopes that the press would be able to report proceedings using the laws of privilege. Such a process would have allowed them to name names in court proceedings without fear of defamation actions. Waterhouse decided that the press could not report the name of any of the accused unless they had previously been convicted of similar offences, which, on the face of it was a prudent measure keeping in mind Richard Webster’s analysis. Unfortunately, this would also allow already protected paedophiles to remain in a hermetically sealed state of immunity.

At least one high level member of another political party was also implicated. William Hague, then Welsh Secretary who had ordered the inquiry discussed it with ministers at the time and it was believed that the individual’s name would likely be revealed during the hearings. Prime Minister John Major was known to have loathed the politician in question and was not overly concerned at this possibility. Although names of politicians on both sides of the political spectrum were also named, one public figure was given immunity by Waterhouse in the final report and not found “culpable of any crimes, even though he ha[d] been identified by six victims.” [5]

One report by Tony Hyland of the International Worker had this to say about Conservative party, government paedophiles:

The most revealing evidence is that regarding one of the paedophiles, who it was hinted at was one of Mrs Thatcher’s most prominent supporters. When the police finally arrested 17 suspects during an inquiry in 1991 the victim claims, ‘For some unknown reason, he was not arrested like anybody else. He was allowed to walk round the North Wales Police headquarters and he was allowed to vindicate himself from anything, as if he was the boss… I tried to tell the police of many instances not just relating to him and I was told at the time, and I will never forget it as long as I live, that they were not interested in that.’ The tribunal was informed that the North Wales police had in fact recommended that the man be prosecuted, but this was blocked by the Crown Prosecution Service in London — which took over the case from its local branch. [6]

Keeping in mind the wily ways of political expediency, it might be said that an inquiry of this nature which was designed to allow full public scrutiny, would have had built-in protections for the politicians, policemen, clergy and freemasons who were rumoured to be part of the North Wales paedophile ring and who would have been liable for prosecution. Perhaps it would be foolish to have thought that such an inquiry on abuse, the first of its kind, would have been allowed to expose the rot in Establishment circles. No doubt many senior politicians and policemen breathed a sigh of relief when the case was closed in 1998 but over 650 abused young adults had meantime, been raped and battered, had turned to petty crime or ended up living on the streets. All those who had not committed suicide were dealing with psychological scars that would remain with them for life. Those individuals who were innocent of wrongdoing were sent to jail and those that perpetrated the crimes laid low and continued their otherwise normal lives.

What was also astonishing is that the Deputy Chief Inspector of Social Services at the Welsh Office, responsible for establishing the mandate for the Waterhouse inquiry was himself sentenced and jailed for 14 years in 1999 for serious sexual offences and for physical abuse of children. One need not take the greatest leap in logic to see that such an inquiry may have been compromised from the beginning. In the end, the same policy of apathy and incompetence from police and council officials dogged the inquiry, to the extent that papers went missing and statements were changed or witnesses become afraid for their lives. Once again, the trail led to some of the highest levels of the then Conservative government.

***

In the United Kingdom, the serious lack of social provision and the fragmentation of the family unit create fertile grounds for child victims. The crumbling social infrastructure coupled with inadequate support social service workers inevitably leads to malpractice and corruption and from within. As one writer notes following the University of Bristol’s  The Widening Gap report of 1999: “If Britain were divided into two nations, one containing the richer regions and the other the poorer ones, there would be nearly 80,000 more deaths every year in the poorer nation because of inequality. Epidemiologists would normally call this a plague.” The author further comments that “… researchers state[d] that the gap between rich and poor has widened more rapidly in Britain and levels of poverty are higher than in the vast majority of mainland Europe.” And poverty means a resource for child exploitation. Chronic underpayment of residential care staff, a demoralized work force, the highest working hours in Europe and a drop in social work applications by 50 percent from 1999 all increase the likelihood of family and institutional child abuse. [7]

Fifteen years later thanks to the legacies of Thatcher and Blair almost a third of all UK children live in poverty with 1.6 million of these children enduring severe poverty with a large spike in 2015 thanks to the bailout of the banking industry which meant austerity measures for rest of us, hitting the already poor and vulnerable the hardest.  According to Children’s charity Dr. Barnados: “63% of children living in poverty are in a family where someone works .”  What does that say about the success of an economic framework which consistently favours an iniquitous banking system maintained by these cyclic austerity measures? And since the Westminster paedophile ring was also drawn from one of the highest child poverty demographics it is little wonder that they drew from a wellspring of victims. Where there is poverty there is always a ready supply.

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When the Waterhouse report was published it provided a snapshot of the state of child care in the UK, not least the rapid dismantling of the welfare state with nothing but the American model of social exclusion to replace it. With over two decades of serious underfunding in child care and social service in general, this becomes a significant factor in the manifestation of abuse. The Inquiry found a serious lack of financial resources for children’s services, a lack of suitable staffing and generally inadequate provision at all levels. Like education, the return to authoritarian and antiquated ideals has led to retribution rather than rehabilitation and sees children facing Crown Court trials for murder, sexual assault and rape and their placement on the sex offenders register. This means that children as young as 10 are subject to punishment by the courts if their behaviour is deemed likely to cause harassment, alarm or “distress to others”. It means a child of 12 years old can now be imprisoned or sent to a “secure accommodation” – a euphemism for prison. With these kinds of draconian measures, we are encouraging a new generation of emotionally damaged children who are indeed, “lost in care” indicative of a justice system in Britain that is becoming a reflection of the more advanced stages of an American ponerogenesis. [8]

We are now living in what George Monbiot calls a: “Captive State” [9] where hundreds of children in young offenders’ institutions are being held in solitary confinement, often for weeks at a time, in what prison reform campaigners claim is a ‘medieval’ form of punishment. Rather than being subjected to a form of torture, the boys should be given the mental health support they so badly need yet are being purposely denied. [10] Indeed, Blair and subsequent politicians believe that we should now target children that are “a menace to society.”   The former Prime Minister turned global tycoon received a rightly cool reception to his statements with suggestions that he was advocating “genetic determinism.” One response derided him as exacting “empty threats to pregnant mothers” which would: “… do little to restore confidence in a government that has failed to tackle poverty, crime and social exclusion for the last nine years.” [11]

The abuse of boys and girls still remains in the bastions of a decaying Empire that has left only the residue of an out-of-date adherence to an old, class-based ethos of control. Or as George Monbiot once described it within the hallowed halls of preparatory schools for the rich: “new boys were routinely groped and occasionally sodomised by the prefects. Sexual assault was and possibly still is a feature of prep school life as innate as fried bread and British bulldogs.” [12]  It is this in-bred, all pervading, upper class prerogative of abuse that is in the very walls of our so called respected British institutions. These historical traditions allow the abuse to live on through the pathological clusters that promote the structural dominance of their kind and a steady supply of victims. The only difference is degree within such a blighted structure. Whether we focus on political parties of New Labour, Liberal Democrat or Conservative – the elite differences are irrelevant when it comes to the sodomy of a 10 year-old child or the frightened street urchin delivered to the bed of a priest or politician.

Paedophiles and child rapists have no dividing line or loyalties when it comes to finding their cover whether that be within secret fraternity – political, occult or religious.

 


Notes

[1] Partner, Pannone & Partners, childabuselawyers.com/
[2] pp.58-59 ‘Lost in Care’ The Waterhouse Report 2000 Stationery Office.
[3] The Sutton Report at freedomtocare.co.uk/
[4] ‘Child Abuse – The Waterhouse Report’ By Simon Regan, 20 February 2000, http://www.scallywag.org.[now defunct]
[5] Ibid.
[6] ‘State Cover-Up of High-Level Paedophile Ring’ By Tony Hyland, International Worker No 241, November 8, 1997.
[7] ‘Growing social divide in Britain’ Blair seeks to refute new study on the widening gap between rich and poor, Simon Wheelan, 11 December 1999, World Socialist Website.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Captive StateThe Corporate Takeover of Britain by George Monbiot Published by Pan Books, 2000. |ISBN 0-330-36943-1.
[10] ‘Children caged alone for weeks’ by Jamie Doward, The Observer, February 12, 2006.
[11] ‘We can clamp down on antisocial children before birth, says Blair, Intervention ‘could prevent later problems’ Package of proposals courts controversy by Lee Glendinning,  The Guardian, September 1, 2006.
[12] ‘Acceptable Cruelty’ by George Monbiot, The Guardian, March 26th, 1998.